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1^'
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m.
Anecdotes of
distinguished persons
William Seward
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^tL±2L
ANECDOTES .
OF
DISriNGUISHEJO PERSONS,
CHIEFLY OF THE
PRESENT AND TWO PRECEDING
CENTURIES.
ILLUSTRATED Br ENGRAVINGS.
iNDOCn DJSCJNTf ET JMEKT MSMJl^lSSS PERiTU
THE FOURTH EDITION:
CONSIDERABLY ENLARGED,
AND '
NEWLY ARRANGE^ AND DIGESTED.
IN FOUR VOLUMES. ,
VOL. I.
LONDON:
PRINTED FOR T. CADELL JUN. AND W«DAVI£S|
IN THE STRAND.
1798.
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0
ADVERTISEMENT.
npHis Work originally appeared in four
fmall volumes, without much regard
to chronology, or order of fituation. By
the advice of the Bookfellers the prefent
arrangement takes place, which may per-
haps render the Colle£tion more acceptable
to the Public. Of its Contents about one-
fixth part is new to the prefent Edition*.
Hiftory has been called " Philofophy
** teaching by examples.'' Biography may
be faid to be Philofophy rendered dramatic,
^ and brought home to " each man's tufmefs
^ ^' and bofom;" and, in the opinion of
\ a great, mailer f of this fpecies of conxpofi-
7 tion, " is, of tl\e various kinds of narrative
^ ♦ The New Articles may be had of Meflrs. Cadell
and Dayies, printed uniform with, and as a Supplement
^ to, the former Editions.
(^ t Idler, N? 84.
•' writing,
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iv ADVERTISEMENT.
** writing, that which is moft eagerly
** read, and moft eafily applied to the pur-
** pofesoflifc."^'
• One deviation only from the general
plaii qf.the work occurs, — ^the introduc-
tion of a living charadler. In this, per-
hapsi the Compiler but anticipates the
wifhes of the reader, who may think that
a man like Dr. Tucker omni major eulo^io
fhoijld be alfo omni eiKceptione majqr.
GK-
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GENERAL TABLE
OF
CONTENTS.
VOLUME THE nRST.
BRITISH.
SovernfDt*
Date and
Duration of
Sovereignty*
Anecdotes of
Flouri/hed.'
Edvarp J.
Edwa&p IIL
Richard IL
Hbnrt IV.
Hekrt V.
HsHav VI.
Sdvard IV.
Henry VIL
HSMRT VIII.
?0]U. u
1272—1307
1327—1377
J377— 1 399
1399—1413
141 3— 1422
2422 — 1461
1461— 1483
14^5—1509
1509-J547
Roger Bacon 1 2 14—1 294
The King
Edward the Bkck 1 , ^ ^
Prince I 1331— 137S
John Wickliffc
The King
Sir William Gaf-
coigne
The King
Thomas Polton
The King
Sir John rortefcue
Duke of SuflFolk
The King
The King
The King
Princefs Mary
a.
}
1324—1382
D.1413
1417
1465
144Q
1514
Hemry
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▼1 GENEHAL TABLE OV CONTENTS.
SovereifM*
Pate and
Duration of.
Sovereignty.
HEHHy VIII. lj:o9— 1547
Anecdotes of
FJouriilied.
Edward VI.
Mary
1547— 1553
EUZABETM 3558<— 1603
James I. 1603—1625
}
Queen Catherine of 1
Arraeon J
Queen Anne Bolcyn
Cardinal Wolfey
Cardinal Campejus
Lord Cromwell
Sir Thomas More
Fflher, Bifhopof ^l
Rochefter J
Erafmus
Archbifhop Warham
Duke of Norfolk
John Heywood
The King
The Queen
Lady Jane Grey
Sir James Hales
SirNicholasThrock
morton
The Queen
Mary Quee^i of Scots
John Knox
Buchanan
Lord Burleigh
Sir Nicholas Bacon
EarlofEffex
Archbi/hop Parker
ArchblihopWhitgift
Earl of Arundel
Sir Roger Chamloe
Roger Afcham
Mr. Page
Princefe Palatine
LadyArabellaStuart
Countefs ©f Pem-
broke
Vaiiers, Duke of
Buckingham
Lord Bacon
Lord Coke
Gondemar
Sir Walter Raleigh
Biihop Andrews
Dr.Haydock
I Dr. Donne
i486— 1536
1507— 1536
1471-1530
1530
1498 — 1540
1480— 1535
1458— 1535
1467—1536
D. 1532
1547
D. 1565
1537— 1554
1553
1554
^543-1587
1505- 1572
1506 -1582
1518 — 1598
15x0—1579
D. 1 601
1504—1575
1530—1604
1560
1550
1600
1645
1603
1603
1592—1628
1561 — 1626
1549—1634
1622
1552 — 1*618
1565 — 1626
1604
1573—1631
James
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pENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS,
vu
Sovereigns.
Date and
Duration of
Sovereignty.
James I.
Charles I.
1603 — ^^^5
1625—1649
Anecdotes of
FlourUhed.
}
}
GwtiUft
Sir Toby Mathews
Inigo Jones
The King
Queen lienrietU
Alaria
Selden
William Noy
Earl of Pembroke
Lord StraflPord
Richard Boyle ift
Earl of Corkc
Bifhop Bedell
Sir Henry Wotton
Oliver Cromwell
Richard Ci omwell
Sir Henry Vane
Charles Patin
Lord Fairfax
Lord Keeper Finch
John Hampden
Sir William WaUer
Lieut. Col. Joyce
Sir Henry Slingfby
Marquis of Wor- 1
cefter J
Sir Thomas Somerfet
Blanche Lady
ArundcU
Lord Keeper WiU
liams
James Howell Efq.
Vefident Bradfliaw
John Milton
Archbifhop Uftier
Henry Martin Efq.
Thomas Hobbcs
1582— 1645
1609
1620
1609— 1669
1584—1654
D. 1634
1640
^593— 1641
1566—1643
1570—1641
1568—1630
1599^1655
1626-^1712
D. 1662
1633— 1 693
D. 1671
D. 1682
1594—1643
i<543
1649
1648
1582—1650
1594—1666
1648
1608 — 1674
1580—1656
1650
15S8 — 1^79*
a 2
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viii GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS^
VOLUME THE SECOND.
BRITISH.
Sovereigns.
Date and
Duration of
Sovereignty.
Anecdotes of
PlourKhed.
Charles II. 1649 — 1685
James II. 1685—1689
WiLLii^ Illr 1689— 1702
The King
Lord Clarendon
Duke of Ormond
General Monk
William Prynne
Dr. Harvey
Sir Philip Warwick
Sir Richard Fan- ]
fhawe J
Lady Fanfhawe
Sir Matthew Hale
Lord Chancellor
Shaftefbury
Gourville
Rev. William Mom-
peflbn
Jeremy Taylpr
John Wallis, D. D.
Ifaac Barrow, D.D.
Samuel Butler
Mr. Dryden
The King
Edmund Waller
Lord Chancellor
JefFeries
Dr. Sydenham
Sir John Tabor
Dr. South
Dr. Bufby
Mr. Oldham
The King
Queen Mary'
Earl of Warrington
Biftiop Burnet
}
1607 — 1674
1665
16.08 — 1670
1600— 1669
1578—1657
i66j
1607 — 1666
1666
1609—167$
1621 — i68t
1670
1 1666
D. 1667
1680
1630— 1677
1612—1680
1631 — 1701
1605—1687
^D. 1689
1642 — 168^
1710
1633 — 1716
1606— 1695
1653— 1683
D. 1695
1688
1643-1714
WiLUAIf
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GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Soreretgns.
Date and
Duration of
Sovereignty.
Anecdotes d
FlourUhcd.
Wil^LlAM III. 1689— 1702
AnM9
170a — I714
Geokgk I,
1714—1727
George IL 1727—1760
1620-^1706
1632— 1704
1656^ — 1715
1668— 1738
1700
Nicholas Facio 1686
Sheffield, Duke of 7 ,< /: ^
Buckingham j^<546-i72i
Marquis of Halifax 1 630 — 1 695
John Evelyn Efq.
John Locke
Robert Nelfon Efq.
Boerhaave
Sir Jofiah Child
The Queen
SophiaElearcfa of 7 TA ,«^,
Hanover |^- '705
Rev. John Norris 1 657 — 1 711
Geo. Hickes, D.D. 1 642 — 1 715
Andrew Fletcher of 7 ^ ^^ " - , /:
Saltoun j 1650-1716
The King
Duke of Marlbo.7
rough
Sarah Duchefs of
Marlborough
Lord Peterborough
Lord Somers
Earl Stanhope
Mr. Addifon
Lord Chancellor
Macclesfield
Lord Chancellor
Kincr
GranvmeLordLanf-
downe
Mr. Pope
Dean Swift
Matthew Prior
Sir JohnVanbrugh
Mr. Congreve
Lord Granville
SirChriftopherWrcn
SamuelClarke,D.D.
Sir liaac Newton
Duke ©f Wharton
The King
Queen Caroline
Dr. B^tkr, Bifliop 7 ^^" '"'
of Durham "^{1692-1752
SkRobtrtWalpok
1650—1722
1739
D. 1736
1652 — 1716
1715^
1672 — 1719
1688— 1744
1667— 1745
1664 — I 72 I
D. 1726
1672— *i 7 29
1690 — 1763
1632— 1723
1675—1729
1642 — ^1727
1699— 1731
1683—1737
1674— 1745
G&OI^CE
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GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS,
Sovereigns,
Date and
Duration of
Sovereignty.
Anecdotes of
Flouriihed.
George IL 1727 — 1760
Geor.ce III. 1760—*
Dr. Cheyne
Dr. Young
Dr. Middleton-
Aaron Hill
Admiral Bofcawen
167 1 — 1748
1684— 1765
1683 — 1750
1684— 1749
1711 — 1761
Dr. Hough, Biftiop 7 ^^^^ ^^^ .
ofWorcefter "^1^^50-1 745
r
Dr.Gregory Sharpe
Handel ,
James Thomfon
Mr.WilMam Collins
Sir John Barnard
Lord Chefterfield
PnWfeDowagcrof J j/^^..^;
Lord Chatham 1708 — 1778
Earl of Mansfield
Zachary Pearce, Bi-
fliop of Rocheftcr
Wortley Montague
Dr. Tohnfon
David Garrick Efq,
Dr. Goldfmith
John Hunter Efq.
Sir Joftiua Reynolds
Sir William Jones
JofiahTucker,D.D.
Dean of Glou^
cefter
1713-1771
1684—1759
1700 — 1748
1721 — 1756
D. 1767
1695— 1773
1705— 1793
1690—1774
1711—1776
1709— 1784
1716 — 1779
1729—1774
1725— 1793
1723— 179«
1746— 1794
APPENDIX.
No.
I. COPYof the Inftruaion fent to the High Sheriff of Bucks ;
together with the Writ for levying the Ship-money.
II. Information filed by the Attorney-General againfl Mr. Sel-
den» &o.
III. Addi«fs from the Grand Jury of the County of Buckingham
to his Majefty King Charles the Firft.
IV. Letter from Mr. Pym to Mr. Grenvile.
V. Letter from Mr. Tyrrell to Mr. Grenvile.
VI. lictter from Lord Warwick and Mr. Pym to the Deputy-
Lieutenants of the County of Buckingham.
VII. Letter from the Lord General to the Deputy-Lieutenantt
of the County of Buckingham.
VIIL Letter from John Pormer, Efq. to Mr. Cartwright^
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GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
VOLUME TH£ TfflRD.
FOREIGN.
Date and
Sovereigns*
Duration of
Sovereignty
Anecdotes of
Flourlditd.
PAPACIES,
&c. of
FTALr.
Theodoric I.
489-526
The King
Innocent IV,
I24I— 1254
St.Thoma« Aquinat
ia«4— 1274
NlCHOLAsIIL
1277— 1280
#'
Cimabue
1230—1300
Giotto
1276— 1336
Urban VL
*378— 1389
Cosmo de
Medicis
• 1
Emanuel Chryfoloraa
»355— H'S
1430-J464
Cofmo d« Medicis
Donatcllo
1383—14^5
Lorenzo de
Medicis
J 1478-1492
Lorenzo de Medicis
John Lafcans
»445— »5JJ
1485
Gcorgio ScaU
The Pope
Casfar Borgia
AlexanderVI. 1492—1503
D. 1507
Julius II.
1503—1513
The Pope
Michael Angelo
Raphael D'Urbino
t474— 15«4
1483—1520
I^eoX.
1513—1521
The Pope
Tetzel
1520
i
Martin Luther
1483—1546
Melandhon
«497— 15^
Palingenius
1530
John Calvin
1509- 1564
Servetiis
«509— »553
^
»4
ApRIAM
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«s
OiENERAL TABLE Of C0NT£NT&
Dace and '
Sovereigns,
Duration of
Sovereignty.
Anecdotes of
Flourifhed.
Adrian VI.
T521— 1523
The Pope
ClementVIL
1523—1534
Propertia da Roffi
Corregio
Muncer
1530
1494—1534
D. 1525
Paul III.
.1534—1549
Ignatius Loyola
Guicciardini
1491— 1556 .
1482 — 1540
Paul IV.
1555— 1559
Bezfa
Fallopius
15 19— 1605
1523— 1563
Cosmo I.
1569— 1574
The Grand Duke
Cosmo II.
1609 — 1621
The Grand Duke
InngcentX.
1644—1655
The Pope
David Teniers
1582 — 1649
InnocentXI.
1676 — 1689
The Pope
EMPIRES.
- ,
rURKS.
Mahomet II.
1451— 1481
The Emperor
-*
Scandcrbeg
1404—14^7
CHINA.
Kang Hi
1661 — 17*4
141 1— 1438
The Emperor
The Emperor
/
GERMANr.
SjGISMUNp
-
|c^n Hufs
*376— 1415
MazimillanI.
1493— 1519
The Emperor
Albert Durer
CScolampadius
1471— 1528
,482—1531
-
C»A£.les v.
1519—1558
The Emperor
tjliillaume de Qtoj
1458 — 1521
II
Cha^Ies
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GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS*' xlj
tlovere^m;
Date and
Duracjodof
Sovereignty.
Anecdotes of
flouTiihed*
Charles V. 1519—1558
RUSSIJ.
Peter the 7
Great. 51696— 1725
CatherineII. 1^^2—1796
KINGDOMS,
DUKEDOMS,
&c.
SUTEDEN.
gusta¥us j ^^ ^^
Adolphus Ji^"-«63»
Christina 1632 — 1654
CharlesXIL 1697—1718
PRUSSIA.
Frederic IIL 1740—1786
Cardinal Ximenet
Cardinal Famefe
Aniiibal Caracci
Agoilino Caracci
Benvcnuto CdKAi
Antonio Gntrara
Camerarius ^
Philippo Strozzi
Barthdenii de las
Cafas
Johnof Leydeii
The Emperor
The Empreft
}
H37— 15«7
D. 1589
1560 — 1609
1557— 160a
i|oo— 1570
D. 1544
icoo^i57jr
D. 1538
H74--X5^
D. X55«
The King
The Queen
Oxenftiem, Grew 7^1 ,^^^
Chancellor J D. 1632
Drfcartes ICO6— i6t0
The King ^ ^
The KaW
Perdmand Prince of J
Btunfwick y^S9
Marihal Keith. D. 1758
POR^
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tlv
QENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS;
Sovercl^s.
Date and
Byratiop oC
Sovereignty.
Anecdotes of
FlouriihedL
PORTUGAL.
John II*
JOHN III.
John IV,
1481— 1495
1640-^1656
"ARRAGOif.
Alphonso V. 1416— 1458
SPAIN.
Ferdinand V. 1479 — 1504
Philip II.
Phiup IV.
1556— 1598
1621 — 1665
The King
The King
The King
The King
ThcKinff
Queen Ilabella 1451 — 1504
Gonfalvo the Great7 ,^,, ,_._
Captain 1 1441— 15«5
Phiwp V.^ 1700— 1724
FRANCE.
Louis L 8141—840
Hugh Capet 987—996
Louis VI. 1 108— 1 137
Louis VIIL 1223 — 1226
Louis IX. 1226 — 1270
John Duke of 7 «
' Nonnandy } '3^8-^350
John II. ^ 135P--1364
Ccdumbus
The King
Dbn Carlos
Count Olivarez
Lope de Vega
The King
Cardinal Alberpni
The King
The King
TJie King
Abelard
The King
The King
The Duke
The King
1442 — 1506
D. 1568
D. 164^
1562 — 1635
1664—1752
1079—1x42
Jon!!
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CENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS,
Sovereigns.
X#
Date and
Duration of
Sovereignty.
Anecdotes of
Flouriihed.
John Duke of
Bourbon
Charlss v.
7
>i36i— 1412
2364—1380
422
Charles VI. i38<
RENrII.Dukc7 o o
ofLomJnc JH08-1480
Charles VIL 1422—1451
Charles the 1
Bold, Duke > 1433 — 1477
of Burgundy 3
JUouis XL 1461 — 1483
CharlesVIIL 1483 — 1498
liouis XIL 1498 — 15 15
1Pkau^i% L 15 15— 1547
HiNRY IL 1547—1559
The Duke
The King
Bertrandl)veuefch.7 «
bn ^ |i3"-i38o
The King
The Duke
The King
A^es Sorel D. 1450
AimerigotT6te-noire 1450
Jeanne d'Arc 1407— 1431
The Duke
The King
Princefe Margaret
La Dame de^eau-
ieau
The King
Philip de Cominet
The King
Anne de Bretagne
Abb6 Blanche!
The King
Marot 1495—1520
Marefchal Strozzi I5p8 — 1558
The Conftable of ? ti ,
Bourbon j^- '57«
Chevalier Bavard 1474— 1 524
Andrea Dona 1476 — 1560
M. de Viellevillc D. 1570
Leonardo da Vinci 1445 — 1520
The King
Amyot, Bifliop of? p.
Auxerre,&c. j^- »590
1480— 1530
1 1480
.1445—1509
1476— 1514
H59— 15'9
-1549
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JfVj
GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS-
VOLUME THE FOURTH.
FOREIGN.
S6rcrejgn«.
Date and
Duration of
Sovereignty.
Anecdotes of
Flouri/hed.
Charles IX. 1560— 1574
Hekrt III. 1574—1589
The King
Catherine de Medicis
Fi-ancis Due de
Guife
Due de Guife (Lc
Balafre)
Anne Due de Mont-
morenci
Marfhal Sepicr
Baron d'Adrets
Admiral de Cdligny
Morvilliers, Keeper
of the Seals
Hennuyer, Bifhop
of Lifieux
Viconte d'Orte
Due de Montpenfier
Noftradamus
ChanceUerdePH6.7 ;^:
pital } 'S05-
Le PrefidentdeThou 1533 — 16x7
Montague
Pierre Charron
Cardan
s
1570
1575
1516—1572
1507—1577
IS7Z
1572
1572
1503— 1566
-1574
The Kins
1541— 160J
1501—1575
Due d'Alen9on 1583
^Totetn)^''"^^'}^-'^'
Achilles Harlay 1588
Magdalene de St.7,-^-
Neaairc j '^^^
Muretus 1526—1585
Paffcrat 1534— 1602
CHA«l*Et
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GENERAL' TABLE- d* ' CCmTENTS- xWI
Sovereigns.
Date and
Duration of
Sovereignty.
CharlesEmaO
Nu klI. Duke J- ic8o-^i6ao
p£ Savoy . j ^ ^
HiWRY IV. 1589— 161O
Anecdotes of
Hooriihed.
liouis XIII. 161© — 1643
The Duke
The King
Margverite de Valois 7
(Queen)- j «55«— i^fj
Sully , i559_i64,
Armand de Biron D. i C02
Charles Gontaut de 7 tx ,
BiVon jD,i<5oi
Prefident Jeannin D. i6a2
Cardinal d'Oflat 1536—1604
Theodored*Aubign^ iccq — i6«a
Theodoric de 7 ^
Schomberg ( I5«3— 163a
M. deSiUery
Cnllon
Seigneur de Beau*
manoir
Pierre de Cayct
Abbe Rujcllai
St. Fran9oi8 de Sales
Marquis Spinola
Jofeph Scaliger
The King
Mary de Medicis
Ann of Auflria
Marechal d'Ancre
Le Chevalier de '
Guife
Henri DuQ deMont-
1544—1624
1541—1615
|d. 1614
1525— 1610
D. 1628
1567— 1622
1569—1630
1540 — 1609
D. 1642
1602 — I 665
D. 1617
1612
morenci
Cardinal Richlieu
Alphonfede Richlieu
Marfhal Marillac
Michael Marillac
Due de Rohan
Cardinal de Berulle
Jaquey de Callot
Canipanella
Augufte de Thou
LaComteiTe de St. 7 ^ ]J
Balmont J ^^Z^
Madame de Scvigne 1626—1696
Lemerius 1618 ,
L0V14
1585— 1642
1582—1655
D. 1632
D. 1632,^
1579— 163S
i575--i64^
1593— 1635
1568-1639
D. 1642
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imS GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS*
Dace md
Sovereign. Duration of
Sovereignty.
Louis XIII. 1610— 1643
Louis XIV: 1643—1715
Anecdotes ef
Flourlih^.
}
Mar/hal Ralit2iu
Malherbe
Godeau Biihop of}
Vcncc - 5
Peyrefc
The King
Prince of Conde
Gafton Duke of '
Orleans 1
Phflip Duke of I
Orleans " 1
Madame de la Valierc
Madame de Main-i
tenon 1
Mafque de Fer
Henry Duke of
Guife
Cardinal de Retz
Cardinal Mazarin
Colbert
Gorabervillc
Due de la Roche- 1
foucault J
John Gerard Voffius
Salmafius
Gaifendi
Father Mabillon
SanteUil
Pafcal
Omer Talon
Prcfident Mole
Foucquet
PeHffon
M* Dumoulia
Regnard
Sene9ai
Lainez
Racine
Charpentier
Father Bouffieres
Segrais
Ldli
M. Amauld d'An-?
diUy I
D. 1650
1556-^162*
i(5©5— 1672
1580— 1 637
1621 — 1686^
1608 — 1660
D. 1 701
D. 1710
1635—1719
1614— 1664
1613— 1679
1603— 1 66 1
1619 — 1683
1599— 1674
1630—1680
'577—1649
1588—1655
1592—1655
1632— 1707
1630—1697
1623—1662
1595-1652
1584— 1656
1615— 1680
D. 1693
D. 1680
1647— X709
1643—1737
1660— 1710
1639 — 1699
1620 — 1702
1672
1624 — 1701
1633— 1685
1589 — 1674
Louis
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GENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS.
mt
Sovereigns.
Date and
Duration of
Sovereiimty.
Loui« XIV. 1643— 1715
sV. 1
of > 1675— 169c
ine J
Ckarles V.
Duke
Lorraine
Louis XV. 1715— 1774
Anecdotes oC
FlDMrUfafid.
Amauld, Bifhop of)
Angers j
Abbe Amauld
Anihony Amauld
Mai fh^ dc Navailles
St. Evremonde
Cardinal d'Efte
Dom Noeld'Ai^onne
Sorbiere
Bayle
Jean d'Alba
Abb^ de Ranc^
Francois Caffimdre
Gui Patin
Pavilbn
Prince Eugene
Marfhal Turenne
Montecuculi
Due de Montaufier
Cardinal de Polignac
Antonio Priolo
Due de Longueville
Madame deLongue- 7
1700
1720
1612 — 1694
D. 1684
1613—1703
1660
1640^-1704
1615 — 1670
1647 — 1706
1700
1626—1700
D. 1695
1602 — 167a
D. 1705
1663— 1736
1611— 1675
D. 1680
D. 1691
1661 — 1741
1648
1648
viUe " i
Nicole Poullin
Rubens
Le Sueur
Boucliardon
TTie Duke
The King
Louis Dauphin
Regent Duke of 1
Orleans J
Madame de Baviere
Cardinal Dubois
Mr. Law
M. Boudou
M. de Belfunce, Bi- 7
fhopof Marfcillesj
Cardinal Fleurr
Marfhal Saxe
M. Duclos
1648
1594—166^
1577—1646
1617—165^
1698—1762
1729— 17<55
1674—1723
1688— 1741
D. 1723
1688—1729
1720
1720
1653—1743
1696—1750
D. 1772
Louis
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»
CENERAL TABLE OF CONTENTS
Sover^s.
Date and
JE>ui:atton of
Sovereignty.
Anecdotes of
l^lourlihed*
Louis XV. 1715— J774
Lovis3CVL 1774—1793
Fontenelle
Montefquieu
Abb^ de Marfy
Rameau
M. d'Acquin
Du Cerccau
Marivaux
The King
Voltaire
J. J. Roufleau
Cardinal de Brienne
M. Turgot
M. Chamfort
Abbe Brotier
1689— 1755
D. 1763
I683--I764
1750
1670— 1730
1688— 1763
1694^1778
1712 — 1778
1750
1777
1789
D. 1789
ANEa
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ANECDOTES
OF
DISTINGUISHED PERSONS.
BRITISH.
EDWJRD THE FIRST.
[1272—1307.]
ROGER BACON.
This acute and learned Francifcan Monk was,
according to Mr. Selden, of a gentleman's family
_in Dorfetihire, and was bom in 1214. He
began his ftudies very early at Oxford^ and
then went to Paris, where he purfued mathe-
matics and phyfic; and, as Mr. Selden relates,
was made Profefibr of Divinity in the Univerfity
of that city. He returned to Oxford foon after-
wards, and applied himfelf to the learned lan-
VoL. I. B guages.
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2 ROGER BACON.
guages*, in which he made fo rapid a progrefs,
that he wrote a Latin, a Greek, and an Italian
Grammar. He makes great compkiints of the
ignorance of his times, and fays, that the Re-
gular Priefts ftudied chiefly fcholaftic divinity,
and that the Secular Priefts applied themfelves
to die ftudy of ihe Roman law, but never turn-
ed their thoughts to philofophy. The learned
Dr. Freind, in his Hiftory of Phyfic, very
juftly calk this, extraordkis^y sum ^^ the
** miracle of the age in which he lived;" and
fays, that he was the grcateft mechanical genius
that had appeared &Qce 4hc days of Archimedes.
Roger Bacon, in a Treatife upon Optical Glafles,
defcribes the Camera Obfcura, vdth all forts of
glalTes that magnify or duninifli any objefl,
bring it nearer to the -eye, or remove it far-
ther; and Dr. Freind lays, that the telefcope was
evidently known to him. " Some of thefe, and
" his other flwithomatical inftrmments," adds
that learned Writer, ^* coft 200I. . or jopfc^*
* How much ^c iludy of tlie learned languages was
&egle6te<I ih Ills t^e^ Roger Bacon lamfelf Mifonns us ^ for
io a letter to iiis -pateron Ckment tbe FourAi kr tdfe
liim, that there were not four among tke Italians who un-
dcrftood the grammatical rudiments of Greek, Latin, and
Italian ; and he adds, that eren the Latin tongue, for the
beauty «ml covrcAnefs oSitf was icatcely known to any one.
He {aySf that the Scholars, as they were then called, were
fitter for the cradle than fiar the chair.
^nd
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1tOO£R BACON. 3
ixnd Bacon fays himfelf, that in twaity years he
^em 2odol. in books and in tools; aprod^^ious
fam for fuch lands of eispences in his day!
Bacon was dlmoft the only Aftronomcr of hi&
age J for he took noiice of an ertof hi the Ca-
lendar with refpeft to the aberration of the folar
year; and propofed to his patron, Clement the
Fourth, a plan for coitefting it in 1^67, which
was adopted three hundred years aftetwards by
Oipepny XIII.
Bacon was a diymift alfo, and Wrdte \ipon
medicine. There is ftill in print a work of his,
on retarding the advances of old age, and on
preferving the faculties clear and entire to the
remoteft period of life; but, with a littlenefs
unworthy of fo great a mind as his was, he fays,
*^ that he does not choofe to exprefs himfelf fo
^^ clearly as he might have done refpefting diet
" and medicines, left >lut he writes"j(hould fell
" imp the hands of the Infidels/'
Gunpowder, or at leaft a powder tl^t had the
fame effeft, feems to have been knowfi to him,
if he were not the inventor of it ; for, in a letter
to John Parifienfis, he fays.
In omnem dijiantiam quam volumusy pojfumus
artificialiter componere ignem comhureniem^ ex-
B 2 . " fale
6«
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4 ROGER BACbN.
^\fak petra et aliis,, viz. fulphure bf cafbcfium
** pidverenu Prater. hancy (fciUcet combtifthnem^ J
** funt {diajiupenduj nam font veiut tonitus et.cor"
** rufcationes fieri pojfunt in aere^ immo majore hor-
^\tore quam ilia quafiunt per naturartw-^By our
*^ Ikill w6 can compctfe an artificial fire, burning
" to any diftance we pleafe, made from fait-
*^ pctre and other things^ as fulphur and char-
", cojsii powdcf.^ Befides this power of com-
**: buftion, k poffefles other wonderful pro-
^* pcrties; for founds like thofe of thunder and
** corufcations can be made in the air, more
" horrid than thofe oceafioned by Nature/'
EDWARD THE THIRIX
[1327—1377-]
' ^* T^His Mc^arch,'' fays a French Hiftorian,
** waij defirous that his^fon, Edward the Black
*' Prince, fhould have all the honour of the
*' glorious day at CrefTy. He wiflied to teach
^' him to be viftorious, and he eritrufted him
** to two Noblemen very proper for that pur-
** pofe. He faid to him, after the battle, ^eau
*^ filsy Dieu vous d^t bonne perfeverance ; *uotis
** etes monfils^ car loyaument vous etes acquiti en
" ce jour^fi etes di^ne de terre tenirJ*
Aimeri
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EDWARD THE THIRD* 5
Aimeri di Pavia, an Italian by ^om Edward
the Third was educated, was entrufted by him
with the government of Calais, then lately taken
from the fVench. He had agreed for a certain
fum to reftore it to them; and Geoffroy de
Chamy, the Governor of St. Omer, was on a
day fixed to bring the money, and enter the
town. On the day appointed, he came with
fome chofen troops, placed them near Calais,
and fent in the money to the Governor. A de-
lay took place, under pretence that the money
was wrong; and Edward the Third, to whom
Aimeri had difcovered the whole tranfaftion^
ruflied out on horfeback, difguifed, with fome
horfemen, to attack the French troops. Among
them was a Knight celebrated for his bravery,
named Euftache de Ribaumont. The King,
defirous to try his ftrength with him, cried out,
^^ A moiy Ribaumont P' The valiant French
Knight immediately flew at him with great vio-
lence, and unhorfed him. Edward, remount-p
ing, attacked him again with great bravery, but
could make no impreiHon upon him: at laft,
Ribaumont finding himfelf alone, his friends
and companions having fled, furrendered him-P
felf to Edward, without knowing that he had
the honour of being made prifoner by a Sove-
reign. Edward condufted him to the Caftle oif
Calais, where, among fome other foldiers, he
B 3 found
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6 JlDWARD TH£ THIRD.
found the GovcrnDr of St# Omer. " For you,
** Sir,'* faid he to Charny, " I have very little
*^ reafon to love you, for you. wiihed to get
" from m^ for fixty thoufand crowns, what had
** coft Bie much more* For you, Meifire Ribau-
^* mpJ^t Euftache, of all the Knights in the
*^ world that I have ever fera, you bed know
** how to attack your enemy, and to defend
•« yourfelf. I never in my life was engaged in
** any combat, in which I had more to do ta
*^ defend myfelf than I have had juft now with
** you. I give you very readily the glory of it,
*^ and that of being above all the Knights of my
** Court, as I am in honour obliged to do by a
*^ juft judgment." At the fame time the gene-
rous Prince, taking from his own head a coronet
of pearls, which he had worn, placed it on that
of Ribaumont, and told him to wear it for that
year, t^ a mark of his courage. " I know,"
addjed Edward, " Meffire Euftache, that you
<« are gay, fond of the ladies, and delight in
** their company ; fo wherever you go, always
*^ mention that I gave you this coronet. I re*
** leafe you from your prifon, and you may quit
** Calais to-morrow, if you pleafe."
. ** This inftance,^' fays the candid Author of
Hi/iqire du Patriotifme Frarifoisj ** of good-
** humour and generofity, in the true fpirit of
*' chivalry.
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EDWARD THB THIRD. 7
** chivalry, in Edward, maft be extremely pleaf-
** ing to every one, as it makes that Monarch
** appear in his true character. If rage and in-
*' dignation at the delay of the furrender of
^^ Calais to him, had not for x moment put a
'^ vioknce upon his^ difpofition, his crown of
'^ pearls^ would bave^ been for Euftache d^ St.
" Pietre, or Jeaui de Vienne/'
EDWARD THE BLACK PIUNCE.
** Edward, Prince of Wales," fays Mon-
tagne, *^ that Englifh Prince who governed
** Guienne for fo long a time, a perfonage whofe
*' condition and whofe fortune had always fome
^^ diftinguifhed points of grandeur, had been
*' very much oflfended by the inhabitants of the
^* city of Limoges i and, taking the town by
^^ ftorm, could not be wrought upon by the
^ cries of the people, of the women and of the
*^ children, who were given up to flaughter, im-
** ploring his mercy, and throwing themfelves
** at his feet, till proceeding farther in the towi^
** he perceived three French Gentlemen, who
^* with an incredible degree of courage were
*.* alone fuflaining the ihock of his viftcmoua
army. His confideration and refpe^ of fuc^
diftinguifhed valour, immediately blunted the
edge of his refentment, and he began, by
^ B 4 ** gifting
44
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8 EDWARD THE BLACK PRINCE.
*^ gilmtmg the lives of thofe three peiibns, ta
*' fpare the lives of all that were in the town**'
Fcoiffiirt has preferved the names of thefe
three brave men: *' They were," fays he,
*' Meffieurs Jehan de Villemur, Hugues de la
*' Roche, and Roger de Beaufort, fon of the
*« Count de Beaufort, Captains of the town.
** When they faw,** adds the Chronicler, " the
** mifery and the deftruftion that was prefling
** upon themfelves and their people, they faid,
** We Ihall be all dead men, if we do not defend
*^ ourfelves : let us then fell our lives dearly, as
*^ true Chevaliers, ought to do : and thefe three
*^ French Gentlemen did many feats at arms.
** When the Prince in his car came to the fpot
" where they were, he obferved them with great
** pleafure, and became foftened and appeafed by
** their extraordinary afts of valour. The
\^ three Gentlemen, after having fought thus
\^ valiantly, fixing their eyes upon their fwords,
** laid with one voice to the Prince and the
** Duke of Lancafter, ^' My Lords^ we are yours;
*^ you have conquered us ; difpofe of us according
** to the law of arms.** — ^." By Heaven," replied
<* the Duke of Lancafter, " we Tiave no oth^ in-
** tention, Meflire Jehan, and we.take you as our
^ prifoners.^'— And fd,*' adds Froilfart, *' thefe
<* noble Chevaliers were taken, as I have been
^ informed.*- Lhre i. c. 289.
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EDWARD TH£ BJLACK PRINCE. 9
**:The'moft common method," fays Mon**
tsigne, ^^ to fbften the hearts of thofe whom we
*^ have ofiended, is, .when they have the power
^^ to revenge themfelves in their hands, by feeing
^^ us at their mercy, to. move them by our fnb-
^^ miifion to pity and commiferation. Some-
*« times, however, bravery, conftancy, and relb-
*^ ludon, though directly contrary methods, have
<« produced the &me effect/'
RICHARD THE SECOND.
JOHN WICKLIFFE.
^* WicKLiFFE,** faid Luther, " attacked the
** morals and the rites of the Church of Rome.
** The Monks, particularly thofe of the Mendi«>
** cant Order, feem to be the great objefts of his
" iatire. He charges, in o;ie of his Trafts, the
^ Freres, that is, the Fryars, with holding fifty
^^ herdies, and many more, if men would feek
** them well out. He oppofed very much the
*^ giving tithes, unlefs to thofe who officiated at
*^ the Altar. He attackied the Pope's fupremacy,
^* and the dodrine of tranfubflantiation. In his^
^ MS.. Trejitife, * Why Poor Priefts have no
^* Benefices/
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lO JO(HH WICKLIFFE..
'^ Benefices,'' he lays^ ^ And if LoKd^ Ihallto
^ prefent C3erks to Batiefices, thejr woleti have
^^ commoflilf gold in great quantity ; and hoMen
^^ their curates iii their worldly office, and fuffiren
«^ the wolye? of Hell to (bangle men's fouls; fo
^' that they have much gold, and their office don
*^ for nought, and their chapels holdcn up for vain
** glory and hypocrify ^ and yet they wolen not
*^ prefent a clerk able of kunning of God's laws,' '
** and good life and holy enfample to the people,
^ but a kitchen-clerk, or a penny-clerk, or wife
" in building caftles, or worldly doing, tho he
** kanne not read well his Sauter, (Pfalter,) and
*^ knoweth not' the Commandments of God, ne
** Sacraments of the Chiu-ch. And yet fome
*^ Lords, to colouren their fimony, wole not take
*^ for themfelves, but kerchiefs for the lady, or a
*^ tuB of wine. And \*hen fome Lordy wolcten
^* prefent agood man, and able for love of, God
^^ and Chriftian fouls, then fome Ladies ben means-
*^ to have a dancer, a tripper or ts^its,. or hun^
^^ ter or hawker, or a wild player of fummer's-
** gamenes, for flattering and gifts going betwixte;
^ and if it be for dancing in bed fo much the
^ worfe-'"
Wickliffe tranflated the Bible into Englifh,
and was fo voluminous a writer, that Lubinio
Lepus, Bilhop of Prague, burnt two hundred
volumes
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volumes written by this extraordinary perfon,
wMch betooged to tome of the heretical Noble-^
men of Bohemia*
Court^ay, BUhop of London, cited Wicktfffe
to appear before him at Paurs, to give fome ac-
count of the new opinions which he held* Wick«
Hfie came attended by the Duke of Lancafter
and the Earl Marfhall. The crowd was fo great,
that the Lord Maribdl was obliged to make ufe
cf his authority to get Wickliffe through it. TIw
Biihop, di^leafed at feeing him fo honourably
attended, told the Lord Marfhall, ^ that if he
^^ had known beforehand what maeftries he would
** have kept in the church, he would have flopped
** him out from coming there." The Duke of
Lancafter, indignant at this threatening language,
told the Bifhop, " that he would keep fuch
** maeftries there, though he faid nay.** Wick-
liffe, as ufual, was ftanding before the Bifhop
and the reft of the CommifConers, to hear what
things were laid to his charge, when the Lord
Marfhall dpfired him to fit down ; telling him,
that as he had many things to anfwer to, he had
need of a foft feat to be at his eafe. The Bifhop
replied, " that he fhould not fit there; for,"
added he, ** it is neither according to law. nor
^ reafon, that he who was cited to anfwer before
^ his Ordinary (the Lord Pope) fhould fit down
** during
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li JOHNWICKLIFFE.
*^ during the time of his anfwer/* On this
many angry words took place between the Bifliop
and the Earl Marfhall. The Duke of Lancafter
then interfered, and told the Bifliop, ** that the
*^ Earl Marfliall's motion was a very reafonable
^^ one, and that as for him, (the Bifliop,) he was
^* now become fo proud and fo arrogant, that
*^ he (the Duke) would bring down not only
*^ the pride of him but of every prelate in Eng-
" land ;** adding, " that rather than take what
" the Bifliop faid at his hands, he would pull
*^ him out of the church by the hair of his head."
Thefe fpeeches occafioned the aflembly to become
very tumultuous, fo the Court broke up without
doing any thing.
WicklifFe died of the palfy, at his parfonage of
Lutterworth, in 1382, and his bones were taken *
up and burnt by a decree of the Council thirteen
years afterwards.
The learned and candidMelan^hon fpeaks thus
ofWickUfFe:
" He foolifWy confounds the Golpel and poli»-
*^ tics, and does not fee that the Gofpel permits
*^ us to make ufe of all the lawful forms of Qo-
** vemment of all nations* He contends, that it
^' is not lawful for Priefts to have property. He
" infifts
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«* infifts^that titlwrf* oughronly b be psdd to thofe
«« who teach^ as if the Gofpel forbad th^ ufe of
** political ordinances. He wrangles fophiftically,
f^^-and con^letely feditioufly about civil domi-
^* nion/' .
HENRY THE FOURTH.
[1399—1413-3
** DuRiKo his laft fickneffc," fays Hollinfhed,
** Henry caufed his crowne (as fome write) to
** be fet on a pillow at his bed*s head, and fud-
*^ denlie his pangs fo fore troubled him, that he
*' laie as. though all liis vital fpirits had beene
** from him departed. Such as were about him,
** thinking
* Ofborne in his <:elebrated ** Ad?lce to his Sod,^' layi,
** Grudge not tithes to the teachers of the Gofpel» affigncd
<« for their wages by the Divine Legiilator : of whofe in-
<* ftitutes this was none of the leaft profound, that the Tribe
-^* of XeVi were prohibited all other revenue than what was
•♦^dedttcibl^out of the tenth paict of the other eleventh's in-
«< creafc ;. fetting bounds thereby to all the Improvement
«< their wifdom, and the tie the priefthood had over the
** people's confcfences, might in the future pofiSbly niake,
^* in caufing their maintenance to rife and fall proportionably
«* to the general ftandard of the nation's felicity 5 which this
** limitation obliged them to promote, and for their own
*^ fakes to oppofe all incroachments likely to interrupt their
<« brethren's utility."
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14 HS»rr:7»B ntTKTK.
^ thinking vercHc.that he had htay dfpdxtcd^
*^ covered his htd with a linen-doth.
^ The Prince his fonne> (afedrwwrds ffing
** Henry the Fifth,) being hereof advcrtifed,
** tooke awaie the crowne and departed. The
^^ Father, being, fuddenlie revived out of that
** trance, quicklie perceived the lacke of his
" crowne; and having knowledge that the Prince
*^ his fonne had taken it awaie, caufed him to
^' come before bis prefence, requiring of him,
*' what he meant, fo to miftife himfelf. The
^^ Prince with a good audacitie anfwered, * Sir,
*' to mine and to all men*s judgements, you
*Vfeemed dead in thia world j wherefore I, as
'^^ your ne3Ct heire apparent, take that as niine
** own, and not as yourii'-^^ Well, faire Sonne,
*' (faid the King, with a great figh,) what right
•* I had to it, God knoweth/— * Well, (faid the
'^ Prince,) if you die King, I will have the gar-
'** land, and truft to keep it with the fworde
** againft all mine enemies, as you feave done/ —
« Then (faid the K^ng) I^onwit all to God,
" and remember you to do well.* With that
^ he turned himfelf in his bed, and fhortfie after
*' departed to God/'
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BiR WILLIAM <JA$COIGNE,
XORD <:<IIEF JUSTICE OF THE KING's BENCH.
TRK^£>Ucm/Sng account of this courageous and
inflexible Magiftraute is taken irom ^' Magna Bri-
*^ tannmrNctitia^** africk^* Gunthorp:"
^ Famous only for the intient, "virtaoasj and
^ w^lik6 hmBj of GaTcoign, two of which
*' (both tirights and named WilKam) were High
** Sheriffs of the county of York in the rdgns of
** Henry VI. and VII. But, before either of
*' thefe, there was a Knight of this family, named
*^ alfo Sir William Gafcoign, fir more famous
•^ than they. He Was bred up in our Municipal
** laws in the Inner Temple^ London, and grew
** fo eminent for his Ikift and knowledge in
** them, that he was made Chief Juftice of the
** King's Bench by Henry the Fourth, in the
** eleventh year of his reign, and kept that high
** iituation tiH the fourteenth year of that King^s
** reign, demeaning himfelf all ,the time with
** admirable integrity and courage, as this exam-
** pie will fhew :
*' It chanced that the fervant of Prince Henry
** (afterwards Henry V.) was arraigned before
** the Judge for felony ; and the Prince, being
** zealous to deliver him out of the hand of juJt
** tice, went to the Bench in fuch a fury, that
4 " the
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1 6 SIR WILLIAM QASCOIGKC^
" the fpcftators thought he would hare ftrickcn
" the Judge ; and he attempted to take his fer*
*' vant from the bar : but Sir Willianj Gafcoign,
^^ well knowing whofe perfon he reprefented, fat
*' unconcerned ; and> knowing the Prmce's at-
*^ tempt to be illegal^ committed him to the
*' King's Bench Prifon, there to remain till the
" King his father's pleafure was known. ^ This
" adtion was foon reprefented to the ^g, with
*^ no good will to the Judge, but it proved to
*^ his advantage ; for when the King heard what
" his Judge had done, he replied, * that he
** thanked God for his infinite goodnefs, who
** had at once given him a Judge that dared im-
** partially to adminifter juftice, and a fon who
** would fubmit to it.* The, Prince himfelf,
" whenhe came to be King, (reflefting upon this
** tranfaftion,) thus expreffed himfelf in relation
*' to Sir William Gafcoign : * I fhall ever hold
** him worthy of his place and of my favour ;
** and I wifli that all my Judges may. poffefs the
^* like undaunted courage to punifh oflfenders, of
^' what rank foever.'*
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I '7 ]
HENRY THE FIFTH.
[1413—1422.]
" This King/' fays HoHinfhed, *^ even at firft
appointing with himfelf, to Ihew that in his per-
fon princelie honours fhould change publicque
manners, determined to put on him the (hape
•* of a new man. For, whereas aforetime he
^^ had made himfelfe a companion unto mifrulie
" mates of diffolute order and life, he now
" banifhed them all from his prefence, (but not
^* unrewarded, or elfe unpreferrcd,) inhibiting
" them, upon great paine, not once to approach,
" lodge, or fojoume within ten miles of his
*' court or prefence ; and in their places he
** chofe men of gravitie, wit, and high policie,
" by whofe wife councill he might at all times
** rule to his honour and dignitie: calling to
" minde, how once, to the offenfe of the King
" his Father, he had with his fift ftricken the
^ Chiefe Juftice, for fending one of his nynions
" (upon defert) to pnfon, wh^i the Juftice
^ ftoutlie commanded himfelf alfo ftrift to ward,
*« and he (the Prince) obeied.*
5f
roL. I.
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ttn
THOMAS iPOLtOtJ,
One of the Ambaffadors from England to thd
Council of Conftance, in the thirty-firft fefSon o{
that (Jouncil, and in the year 1417, prefented a
memoir in fevour o^ the privileges and dignity of
iiis country, and of its right of being a nation by
itfelf, which was read to the Council^ and the
claims afferted in it were allowed by that
Aflembly, in fpite of th6 temonftrances made
againft it by the French AmbafTador, who in-
fifted that they fliould remain as formerly, by a
decree of Pope Benedid IX. a part of the Ger-
man Nation**
On the arrival of Sigifmund the Emperor at
the Council, in the fame year, the Englifh repre-
* The EngUfh were aDowed to make the Fifth Nation.
The reafons alleged by their Ambaffadors for the allowandc
of their claim, were, That England had given birth to Ccfi-
ftantine the Great; That it had never fallen into any herefy ;
That, whilft in France there was only one language fpoken,
in England five were fpoken ; and, That Albertus Magnus
and Bartholomew Glanville had long fince divided Europe
into four Kingdoms — ^that of Rome, that of Qonftantinople,
that of Ireland (which had finde that time belonged to the
Englifh), and that of Spain, without making the leaft men-
tion of France ; and. That the Common Law takes notice
of four TjTniverlities only, according to the four Nations'--
that of Paris for the French, Oxford for the Englifh, Bo-
logna for the Italians, ai^d Salamanet for the Spaniards.
fented
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THOMAS POL TON.- 1 9
femted a facred Drama before him^ which was
quke a novelty in Germaay. It contained the
Adoration of the Magi, and theJMaflacre of the
Innocents* by Herod* One ceremony the Eng-
lifli obferved in this Council, which had, per-
haps, been better omitted, — the celebration of
the Anniverfary of the Canonization of Thomas
a Becket, an arrogant infolent Prelate, who de-
fied the laws of his Country and the King of it.
*^ This Archbifhop,'* fays L'Enfant, in his Hif-
tory of this Council, " was canonized in 1173,
** and has been ever looked upon by the Ro-
** mifli Qhurch, if not as a martyr for the Faith,
^ as a martyr for her pretenfions. I do not,
^^ however, think that his canonization could
^* have been grateful to this Council."
«c
HENRY THE SIXTH.
[1422 — 1461.3
« This Prince," fays HolUnlhed, « (bcfides
the bare title of royaltie and naked name of
«' King,) had little appertaining to the port of a
*« Prince, For (whereas the dignitie of prince-
** dome ftandeth inrfovereigntiei) th^e were of
^* his Nobles that imbecillcd his prer^tive by
** fqivdrie pra^Ufcs, fpecially by m^ force, as
Q,:^ feeking
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** fc^k^g ^SuAiet to JQppreflt^ or to ekife, tilt tb
^ ofefa^'e^ or to nttdce faitn aw^ue; othdiirife
** -o^at fliould be die metomg df ^ft thofe
« foughtett fidd^ moft miferabfie folHftg but
*« boA to ^finee^ ffe^fe, aftd People, ^ it St,
** Albift'is^ at Blorcheitth, at NorthMftptcai, at
«« Batibetie, at Barfttt, at Wakefidd, to tht dFu^
^* fidti of muth bk)ud, and putting on of toanfe
** k plage, ^hifch trtl^ier^wMe might have btfeft
*^ avbidM/'
SIR JOHN FORTEStUE, Knt.
CflANCEtLb^ AMD Ci^lS^ ^K^St^lCE "Td ))^MkV "tH^ ^ItrU.
Had M. Necker and M, de Brienne looked
into a book written by this great and honefl:
Lawyer^ intitled, " Of Abfolute and Limited
" Monarchic,** they wouH have there feen pre-
difted, what, unluckily for them and the King-
dom, happened, by the meafures which they fug-
gefted in liopes of gaitm^ feme money for their
diftreffed and impoveriflied Sovereign. ** Thfe
*' Realme of France,'* fays Fortefcue, " gyteth
*« never freely, of their mfh good will, my iub-
« fydfe to their Prmce; becaufe tbe Comrtiotfe
** thetieiOf b^g fo poor, ^ ikey m^y not gyvte
« ifcy *kiftg *f tfccjr itm. ^aft^5 and th^ Kyn^
" there
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SIR JOHN FORTESCUE. 21
** there alkyth never fubfydie of his Nobles, for
" dreade that yf h^ ch^rgyM them fo, they
*' would confedre with the Comm$ns^ and perad*
** venture put him down.^*
" The poor man had been ftyred th^eto l?y
^' occafion of his povertie for to get good j an4
" the riche men have gone with them, becaufc
^* they would not be poor by lofyng of theic
'^ goods. Trulie it is like, that this land (that
** of France) fchuld be like unto the land of
** Boeme (Bohemia), where the Comons for
** povertie rofe upon th« Nobles, and made all
" the ^Qods to be cormon. Item^ It is the Kinge's
** honour, and alfo his office, to make his reahnc
*^ riche, and yt is diflionour, when he hath a poor
** reafmej ofwlrichmcnwillfay,rfiathereygnetli
** upon beggars, yet yt war much gretter dyf-
** honour, if he founde his realme riche and then
" made it poor; and alfo it were gretely agenfte
" his confyence, that ought to defend them and
*' their goods, if he take from them their goods
** without lawful! caufew From the infemie
^* thereof God defend our King, and gyve him
<< grace to augment his realme in richefs, welth,
^ and profperite, to his perpetual laydc and
" honour!*'
C3
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U"]
JOHN DE LA POLE,
DUKE OF SUFFOLK,
Th£ following Letter, preferved by Sir John
Fenn^ in his v^y curious Colledtion of the
" Pafton Letters^" will fliew that homage which
vice is obliged to pay to virtue; and that earneft
defire which even the mofl: profligate perfons arc
animated with, that thofe who are dear to them
may efcape the fnares and temptations into which
they themfelvcs have fellen.
THE COPIE OF A NOTABLE l'jIE WRITTEN BY
. THE DUKE OF SUFF* TO HIS SONNE GIVING
HYM THEREIN VERY GOOD COUNSEIL.
** My dsrt and only welbeloved Sone I be-
^* feche oure Lord in Heven y* maker of alle
" the world to bleffe you and to fende you eu*
" grace to love hym and to drede hym to y*
*' which as ferxe as a Fader may charge his
^/ child I bothe charge you and prei you to fette
^' alle your fpirites and wittes to do and to knowc
*' his holy Lawes and Comaundments by the
** which ye fhall w^ his grete m'cy pafle alle y'
*^ grete tempeftes and troubles of y** wrecched
^' world^ and y' alfo wetyngly ye do no thyng
^' for love :(ier drede of any erthely creature y^
** ihuld difplefe hym. And y'* as any Freelte
^* mafceth
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JOHN DE LA POLE. ^J
^ maketh you to falle befecheth hys m'cy foone
^* to calle you to hym agen w' repentauace fatit
** faccon and contricon of youre herte never
*^ more in will to offende hym»
^* Secoundly next hym above alle erthely
'' thyng to be trewe Liege man in hert in wille
** in thought in dede unto y* Kyng oure alder
*^ mod high and dredde Sou'eygne Lord, to
*^ whon^ bothe ye an4 I been fo moche bounde
^ too, Chargyng you as Fader ^an and may
^* rather to die yan to be y* cpntrtrye or to
** knowe any thyng y^ were ayenfte y* welfare
^^ or p'fp'ite of his nioft riall p'fone but y^ as
** ferre as youre body and Jyf may ftrefthe yc
** lyve and die to* defende it. And to lete his
** Highneffe have knowlache y' pf jai alle y*
^* hafte ye can^
*^ Thirdly in y" fame wyfe I charge you my
*^ Dere Sohe alwey as ye be bounden by y*
♦' com'aundement of God to do, to love to
^ worfhepe youre Lady ai?id Moder, and alfp y ' ye
*^ obey alwey Ijyr com'aundements and to beleve
^^ hyr councelles and adyifes in alle youre werks
♦* y* which dredeth not but (hall be beft and
^' treweft to you. And yef any other body
l^ wold ftere you tp y* cpntrarie tp flee y*
c 4 ^' wunc^ll
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24 JOHN DE JLA IK)L2;
** counccU in any wyfe for ye Aall fyiide it
" nought and evyll.
*' Forthermore as ferre as Fader may and ean
** I charge you in any wyfe to flee y* copany
** and couricd of proude men, of corcitowfe
^ men and of flater)mg men the more efpecially
^ and myghtily to withftonde hem and not to
** drawe ne to medle w^ hem w^ all youre myght
" and power. And to drawe to you and to
*^ yoin^e company good and v'tuowfe men and
*^ fuch as ben of good conu^facon and of-trouthe
" and be them fhal ye nev' be defeyved ner re-
** p6nte you off, moreover nev* follow youre
*' owne witte in no wyfe, but in alfe youre
** werkes of fiiche Folks as I write of above
" axeth youre advife and counfel and doyng
" thus w^ y* m'cy of God ye fhall do right well
*' and lyue in right moche worfhip and grete
*^ herts reft and eafe. And I wyfl be to you as
" good Lord and Fader as my hert can thynke.
" And laft of alle as hertily and aa lovyngly arf
*^ ever Fader bleffed his chSd in erthe I yevc
" you y^ bleflyng of Oure Lord and of me,
*^ whiche of his infynite m'cy encrece you in alle
** vertu and good lyvyng. And y* youre blood
" may by his grace from kynrede to kynrede
" multeplye in this erthe to hys Tvife in fuchlp
«« wyfe
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JOHN D£ I.A POLE* 2$
«^ wyft is after y* departyng fro this wrcched
** Viorld here ye and thei* may glorefye him
*' ct'nally amongd bis Aungelys in bevyn.
*« Wreten of myn hand,
<< y* day of my dep'tyng fro the land,
*< Your trewe and lovyng Fader,
« Suffolk.'*
EDWARD THE FOURTH.
[1461— 1483O
Thb original of the following very curious
letter of £dward and of his brother, the Earl of
Rutland^ to their father, the Duke of York, is
in that valuable repository of literature and of
icielKr^dieiBritHhMufeum: . ^^
^ Ryght high and ryght myhty prince, our
•* fill Tedouted and ryght noble lorde & fadur
** as kwely w* all oure herts as we youre trewe
^ & natureH fonnes can or may we recommande
** us unto your noble gr^, humbly befeechyng
** your nobley & worthy federhude daily to geve
^ us your hertely blejOSng, thrugh whiche we
*f trufte muche the rather to encrees and growe
** to vertu & to fpede the better in all matiers
*' and things that we ihall ufe occupye & exer-
" cife.
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J&6 EDWARD THE FOURTH.
*^ cife. Ryght high & ryght mighty prmc^i
^' our ful redouted lorde & fadur, we thanko
*^ our bleffed I^orde not only of yo' honourable
" conduce & good fpede in all your matiers
*' and befyn^ffe and of your gracious prevaile
^' agenft the entent & malice of your evil-willers,
" but alfo of the loiowlege that hit pleafed your
*^ nobleffe to lete us nowe late have of the fame
** by relation of S^ Waltier Devreux knyght^
*^ & John Milewatier fquier, & John at Nokes,
*^ yemen of your honorable chambier. Alfo we
^^ thank your nobleffe and good fedurhood of
^* our grene gownes, now late fende unto us to
** our grete comfort ; befeeching your good
^^ lordefliip to remember our porteiix, and that
^^ we myght have fyne bonetts fende unto u$ by
^^ the next feure mefliger, for neceffite fo re-
^* quireth. Over this, right noble lorde and
** feder, pleafe hit your highneffe to witte that we
^^ have charged your fervjmt Will" Smyth berer
^* of thees for to declare unto yopr nobleffe cer»
<* tayne things on our behalf, namely, coficern*
^' ing & touching the odieux rcule & demenyng
<^ of Richard Crofte & of his brother. Where^
^' fore we befeeche your generoufe lordfhip and
^' full noble fadurhood to here him in expofition
^' of the fame, and to his relacion to geve full
" feith & credence. Ryht high & ryght myghty
^^ prince, our ful redouted & ryght noble lord?
*' & fedur,
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EDWARD THE FOURTH. 2^
*^ & fkdur , we befeeche Almyghty Jhu geve y owe
*^ as good lyfe & long, wiih as moche continual
^ perfete profperite as your princely hert eon
^ beft defyre. Written at your Caftel of Lode*
^ lowe on Saturfday in the Aftur-woke.
>' Your humble fonnes,
♦^ E, Marghe & E. Rutlonde/'
Louis the Eleventh of France having, contrary
to treaty, refufed the Dauphin in marriage to the
daughter of Edward^ that Monarch* thus ad*
dreffed his Pariiament: " This co^tumelie I
<' am refolved to punifli, and I cannot doubt fuc-
*' celTe. Almighty God ftill ftrengthens his arm
** who undertakes a war for jufticer In our ex-
** peditions hitherto againft the French, what
^ profperity waited upon the Englifh arms is to
^ the wc«:ld divulged, and yet ambition then ap*
^ peared the chief counfelior to war. Now, be*
^ fide all that right which led our Edward the
** Third, our glorious anceftor, and Henry the
** Fifth, our glorious predeceffor, we feem to
♦* have a deputyfliip from Heaven to execute the
** office of the Supreme Judge, in chaftifmg the
^^ impious.*'
** It is manifeft that our confederacies are now
>^ diffolved, a^d J rejoice th^t alonf we fliall un*
^^ derti^kj*
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28 EDWARD THE FOURTH.
** dcrtake this great bufincfs ; for experience in
^^ our laft attempt (hewed that Princes of feveral
" Nations (howeyer they pretend the fame) have
^ ftill feveral aims ; and oftentimes confederacy
*^ is a greater enemie to the profperitie of a war
*' than the enemy himfelf; envie begetting more
*• difficultie in a camp, than any oppofition from
*^ the adverfe army.'*
" But I detain you too long by my fpeech
" from aftion. I fee the clouds of due revenge
*' gathered in your hearts, and the lightning of
*' fury break from your eyes, which bodes thun^
«« der againft our enemy j let us therefore lofe
*^ no time, but fuddenly and feverely fcourge
^' this perjured Court to a fevere repentance^
'' and regaine honour to our Nation, and his
" kingdom to our Crown/'— Habington's
Hi/iory of Edward the Fourth.
*' What prevailed upon King Edward," fay^
Comines, '^ to tranfport his army to Calais in
*' 1475, was, firft, the folicitation of the Duke
' " of Burgundy, and the animofity of the Englifh
*' to the French (which is natural to them, and
*' has been fo for many ages) ; next, to referve
^ for himfelf a great part of the money which
^ had been Jibcrally graflted to him by his fub-
" jeas
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EDWARB THfi FOURTH* 29
** jcds for the particular expedidon (for," adds
Clomines^ ^^ the Kings of England live upon
*• their own revenue, and can ndfe no taxes but
^* under the fpecious pretence of invading
^* France). Befides, the King had another ftra-
•* tagem to amufe and delude his fubjefts with ;
*' for he had brought with him ten or twelve of
** the chief citizens of London and of fome other
" great towns in England, all fat, jolly, and of
** great power in their country ; fome of whom
** had promoted the war, and had been very fer-
^* viceaWe in raiiing the army. The King or-
*' dered very good tents to be made for them,
^' in which they flept ; but not being ufed to
*« fuch a manner of living, they foon began to
** grow weary of the campaign, for they had
** redtoned that they fliould come to an engage-
*^ ment three or four days after their landing ;
** and Idle King multiplied their fears of the dan-
^ gers of the war, that they might be better
*« fatisfied with a peace, and fo pacify the mur-
•* murs of the people."
** As foon," fays the fame htftorian, " as
^ King Edward had fisttled the aflfairs of his
•* kingdom, and had received of our mafter
** {Louis the Eleventh) 50,000 crowns ^-year,
^ which were regularly paid him in the Tower
^^ of London, and was become as rich as his
♦' ambition
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30 EDWAftO THfi MURTH*
•* ambition could defife*, he died fuddcniy, and
** (as it was fuppofed) of grief at out pftfenf
^ King's (Charles the Eighth's) iharriage with
^^ the Lady Margaret, the daughter of the Duke
*^ of Auftria (his difordef feizing him upon the
*' fieWs of it); for he then found himfelf out-
** witted with fefpeft to his daughter, to whom
•* he had given the title of Dauphinds*. Upoil
•* this: marriage the penfion, or (as King Ed-
** watd called it) the tribute, was flopped^'*
" This King,** fays Habington, ** if we cotn-
•* pare his life with the lives of Princes in
** general, was worthy to be numbered amongft
*' the beft. His education was according to the
** beft provifion for his honour and fafetie in
*• arm§; a ftrift and religious difcipline, in all
*' probabilitie likely to have foftened him too
** much to mercy and a love of quiet. He had
*' a great extent of wit^ which certainly he owed
* " The King of England^" fays Gomines, " retired
*• foon to England, He was not of a complexion or dif-
«• pofition of mind to endure much hardfhip and difficulties:
** and thofe any King of England who wifhes to make any
" Gonfiderabk conqucfts in France muft cxpc6l to endure^
** Anotlier defign the King of England had in view was,
** the accompliftiment of the marriage concluded upon he-
*• twcen the Dauphin and his daughter ; the hopes of thit
** wedding caufing him to overlook fcveral things, which
*• was a great advantage to our Matter's aflfairs.**
"to
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SDWARD THE FOI^RTH; ^t
•* to nature, that age bettering men but little by
*' learning; the trumpet founding ftill too loud
** in his ears to have admitted the fober counfels
** of philofophy ; and his wit lay not in the flights
** of cunning and deceit, but in a fharpe appre-
*^ henfion, yet not too much whetted by fuper-
^' ftition.
" In counfaile he was judicious, with little
*' difEcultie difpatching much. His underftand*
^* ing open to cleare doubts, not dark and
^* cloudie, and apt to create new. His wife*
^* dome looked ftill direftly upon truth, which
** appears by the manage qf his affaires, both m
^^ peace and warre; in neither of which (as farrc
^* as concerned the politique part) he committed
any maine error.
C€
^ His nature certainly was both noble and
** honeft, which, if reftified by the ftraight rule
** of vertue, had rendered him fit for example
^* (whereas he is only now for obfervation); for
*^ profperitee raifed him but to a complacencie iu
*' his fortune, not to a difdaine of others loffes
*' in a pride of his own acquifitions. And when
** he had moft fecuritie in his kingdom, and con-
*^ fequently moft allurements to tyrannee, then
*^ Ihewed he himfelf moft familiar and indulgent:
*' an admirable temperature in a Prince who fo
« weU~
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3 a EDWARD THt FOURTH,
^ vrcU knew his own fltrcngth, and Trhom the
« love of riot neceflitated to a love of trcafiM^e,
^ wbkh commonly is liipplied by opprefibn of
«* the fubjed. His buildings were few, but
*' fumptuous for the time^ which are y^ to be
" feene at the Tower of London^ his houfe of
*' Ehhem, the Caftles of Nottingham and J^etj
*^ but above all at Windfor, where he built the
<* new Chapel, (fimfhed after by Sir Reginald
** Bray, Knight of the Order,) and endowed the
** Colledge with negative revenues, whiph he
*' gave not, but transferred thither, taking from
<* King*8 Coiledge in Cambridge, and Eaton Col-
^* ledge, a thoufand pounds the yeare, to enrich
<* this at WindfOT.
*' But. our buildings, like our children, are
*' obnoxious to death, and time fcorns their
" folly who place a perpetuite in either. And
** mdeed the fafer kind of fate happened to King
** Edward, in both thefe felicities : his pofteritie,
** like his edifices, loft in other names.
** Edward," fays Habington, " to recover
** him the great love which in bpth fortunes the
•* Londoners had fhewed hfm to his laft houre,
** ufed towards them a particular kindneffe, even
*' fo much that he invited the Lord Mayor,
*^ Aldermen,
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EDWARD r^E FOURTH. 33
** Aldermen, and fome of the principal Citizens^
** to the foreft of Waltham, to give them a
** -friendly, not a pompous entertainment, where
"ma pleafant lodge they were feafted, the King
** himfelf feeing their dinner ferved in ; and by
^ thus ftoopinge downe to a loving familiarity^
" funke deepe into their hearts; and that the
*' fex he always afFefted might not bee unre-
" membered, he caufed great plentie of venifbn
** to be fent to the I^.jidy Mayorefs and the Al-
** dermen's wives.**
HENRT THE SEVENTH.
[1485— 1509.]
"This politic Prince," fays Lord Bacon,
•' always profeffed to love and to feekpelte, and
** it was his ufual preface to his Treaties, That
** when Chrift came into the w6rld peace was
" fung, and that when he went out of the world,
** peace was bequeathed. Yet he knew the way
<* to peace was not to feem to be defirous to
** avoid wars, therefore would he make oiffers
•* and fames of wars till he had worded the con*
** ditions of peace. For his pleafures,** adds
Lord Bacon, " there i$ no news of them. He
^' did by pleasures as great Princes do by ban-
\0U;U D *' queti—
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34 HENRY rut SEVENTH*
*' qucts— come and look a little upon them>
^^ and turn away. T^e was rather ftudious than
** learned, reading moft books that were of any
*' worth in the French tongue ; yet he under-
" flood the Latin, as appeafeth in that Cardinal
*^ Adrian and others, who could very well havo
, « written French, did write to him in Lathi.'*
** He was,** fays his noble Hiftorian, ** x littfe
•* above juft ftature, well and ftraight-limbed,
*' but flender. His countenance was reVerend,
^^ and a little like a churchman; and as it was not
^^ ftrange or dark, fo ndtber was it winning nor
** pleafing, but as the face of one well difpofed.
*^ But it was to the difadvantage of the painter,
** for it was beft when he fpoke.**
The- king of Caftile was fhipwrecked on the
coaft of England in the reign of Henry the
Seventh. " Henry,'* fays Lord Bacon, " as
*^ foon as he heard the news, commanded pre-
*^ fently the Earl of Arundel to go to vifit the
<« King of Caftile, and let him underftand, that
^* as he was very forry for his mifliap, fo h^ wa$
** glad that he had efcaped the danger of the
*' feas, and likewife of the occafion he had to
*' do him honour ; and defiring him to think
*^ himfelf as in his own land, and that the king
** made all poflible hafte to come and embrace
« him.
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cc
<4
HpNRY THE SEVENTH. 35
hlnu The Earl came to him in great mag-
nificence at Weymouth, with a brave troop of
thre^ hundred horfe, and, for more ftate, came
by torch-light. After he had done the King's
** meffage. Bang Philip, (fedng how the world
*♦ went,) the fooner to get away, went upon
** fpeed to the King at Windfor, and his Queen
** fqllowed by eafy jouroiej. The two Kings at
** their meeting ufed all the careffes and loving
** demgnftrations that were pofEble, and the
^* Kipg of C?Jlile faid pl^antly to the King, that
*^ he was now punilhed, for that he would not
*^ come within his wall^ town of Calais when
•« th^y met laft* But the Kjng anfwered, that
** Wftlfe. wd feas were nothing where hearts were
^^ Qpen, ^nd that h^ wa? here no otherwife than
*^ to b^ ferved. After a 4^y or two's r^dbing,
" the Kings entered into fpeech of raiewing the
^^ treaty; King Hcijry laying, that though King
** Philip's perfon were the fame, yet his fortunes
^^ and ftate were raifed, in whieh cafe a reno-
** vation of treaty was ufed amongft Princes*
^^ But whilft thefe things were in handling, the
^ King choofing a fit time, and drawing the King
*^ of Caftile into a room, (where they two only
^ were private,) and laying his hand civilly upon
^* his arm, and changing his countenance a little
*' from a countenance of entertainment, faid to
<^ him. Sir, you have been faved upon my coaft^
j> z *^ I hope
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li
(C
u
36' HENRY THE SEVENTH.
*^ I hope that you will not fuffer me to be wrecked,
upon yours. The King of Caftile afked him
what he meant by that fpeech. I mean by it
(faid the King) that fame hair-brain wild
" fellow the Earl of Suffolk, who is protected in
*' your country, and who begins to play the fool
** when all others are tired of it. The King of
** Caftile anfwered, I had thought. Sir, that
your felicity had been above thefe thoughts ;
** but if he trouble you, I will banifh him. The
** King replied, that hornets were beft in their
*• neft, and worft when they did fly abroad, and
** that his defire was to have the Earl of Suffolk
" delivered to him. The King of Caftile here-
** with a little confufed, and in a hurry, replied.
That can I not do with my honour, and lefs
*' with yours, for you will be thought to have
" ufed me as a prifoner. The King prefently faid,
*^ Then the matter is at end, for I will take that
^* difhonour upon me, and fo your honour is
** faved. The King of Caftile, who had the
*' King in great eftimation, (and befides remem-
** bered where he was, and knew not what ufe
*' he niight have of the King's amity, for that
** himfelf was new in his eftate of Spain, and
** unfettled both with his father-in-law and with
" his people,) compofmg his countenance, faid,
^* Sir, you gave law to me, and fo will I to you.
*< You Ihall have him, but (upon your honour)
' ' ^^ you
4<
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HENRY THE SEVENTH, 37
** you Ihall not take his Kfe. The King embracing
^\ him faid, Agreed. Then faid the King of
^' Caftile^ Neither, Sir, (hall it diflike you, if I
" fend him in fuch a fafhion, that he may come
*' partly with his own good-will. The King re-
** plied, It was well thought of, and if it pleaf^-'
" him, he would join with him in fendinp" ^ ^^^
*' Earl a meffage to that purpofe.
'^ There were,^' adds Lord B-^^' " imme-
" diately meffengers fent fr^^m ^^^ ^^S^ to
^' recall the Earl of SuflFolk, '^^' ^P^^ S^^^^^
*^ words, was foon charme^ ^^ ^^^^S «^^^g^
« to return, affured c^^^^ ^^^> ^^ ^^P"^g ^^
^^ his liberty.**
Amoir '^ the Archives of the City of Bruffels,
the dr'^t^^^ ^^ t^^ Kingdom of England to the
p.chefs of Burgimdy by Perkin Warbeck, as
jOuke of York, is preferved.
" In gaming with a Prince," Tays Puttenham,
** It is decent to let him fometimes win, of pur-
*^ pofe to kcepe him pleafant ; and never to refufe
** his gift, for that is undutifuU ; nor to forgive
*^ him his loffes, for that is arrogant ; nor to
** give him great gifts, -for that is either info*
*' lence or follie j nor to feaft him with exceffive
*^ charge, for that is both vain and envious: and
D 3 *' therefore
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38 MENR^ tH« iE^fiNTlt*
<* therefore the wfc Prince King Henry the
•^ Seven*, her Mljefty's grandfather, if he
^' clKtunce had bene to lye at any of his fubjfefts
*^ houfes, or to paflfe naoc nleales than one, he
*« that would take upon hrai to defray the charge
^^ of his dyet, or of his officers and houfehold,
*' ^ wouldiJe marvetoully offended with, fiying,
*« Whw^^^^^^ fubjeft dare undertake a Princess
** charge, ^i^qJ^^ Jj^^q th^ fecret of his expence?
" Her Majt^e (L e, Queen Elizabeth) hath
'" bene knownV^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^jj^^ ^ f^ip^
« fluous expence >>h^^ ^^.^^ beflo^ved upon
«^ her in times of her k^^^^ „
^\#
SINGULAR ARTICLES OF ^EXPENCK^^^^^^^j^
FROM THE ACCOUl^TS OF HINRVVKtj^ ^jj^
EXCHEQUER. N.
y'^'yeanltrntoJifeHowithaberde*;^. t. rf;
afpyeinrewarde . o 40 o
-!— to my lorde Onvy
Seall fole in Tewarde o 10 o
8«^y'. Itm to Pechie thefole in
rewarde - 068
— to the Walihmen on St.
David day - o 40 o
* This was a reign of finpoth clufjs* a beard therefore
was a fmgularity. ■"
4 Itnx
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»lNRr THE SfiVENTH. ^9
Itm to Ric* Bedcm for writ- £. /. d.
kig<^boke$'^ - o 10 o
— to the you&gdamoyieU
tbat daunceth - 30 o c
s^Y' "^ to Maft' Bray for* re-
wards to them that
broAight cokkes t
at Shrovetide at
Weftimnfter * q 20 o
^^ to the Herytik J at
Canterbury « 068
* There aire m^ny payments for wnting books, which
thew the ilow progrefa the »rt of ^intiog ouide for fome
j«ar8.
f Henry VZI« feems to have he«& particularly fond •(
this •divfrfiont as there are other entries of this fort in hi*
.accounts.
J Bacon fays, the King had (though he'^were no good
Schoohnan) th^ hooour to coav^ a heretic at Can-
terbury.
HENRT THE EIGHTH.
Lord Bacon intended to write the hiftory
of the very inter^ftiag reign of Henry the
Eighth. A few pages only of the Introdiii9ionL
are prefcrvedi. It begins thust ' *
D 4 ^ After
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4© HENRV THE EIGHTH.
** Ajfter the deceafe of that wife and fortunate
•* King Henry the Seventh, who died in the
** height of his profperity, there followed (as
'*^ lifeth to do when the fun fetteth fo extremely
^ clear) one of the faircft mornings of a kingdom
** that hath been known in this land or elfe-
** where : A young King, about eighteen years
" of age ; for ftature, ftrength, and making, and
*^ beautj, one of the goodlieft perfons of his
^* time. And though he were given to pleafure,
" yet he was likewife defirous of glory, fothat
*^ there was a paffage open to his mind for glory
" by virtue. Neither was he unadorned by leam-
^* ing, though therein he came fhort of his
** brother Arthur. He had never any the leaft
^' pique, difference, or jealoufy, with the king
** his father, which might give any alteration of
** Court or Council upon the change, but all
*' things paffed in a ftill. He was the firft heir of
*' the White and Red Rofe, fo that there was
** now no difcontented party left in the king*
" dom, but all men's hearts turned towards
** him ; and not only their hearts but their eyes
^^ alfo, for he was the only Son of the Kingdom.
** He had no brother; which though it be a com-
** fbrtable thing, to have, yet draweth the fubjefts
*' eyes a little afide.. And yet being a married
<* map in thefe young years, it promifed hope of
«* fpeedy iffue to fucceed to the Crown. Neither
" was
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HENRY THE EIGHTH* 4!
** was there any Queen-Mother who might fhare
** any way in the Government, or clafii with his
** Counfellors for authority, while the King at-^
** tended his pleafure: no fuch thing as any
" great and mighty Subject, who might anyway
** eclipfe or overlhade the Imperial power j and
** for the People and State in general, they were
** in fuch lownefs of obedience as fubjeds were
** likely to yield, who, had lived almoft four-and-
*' twenty years under fo politic a King as his
** fatherj being alfo one who came partly in by
** the ' fword, and had fo high a courage in all
*' points of regality, and was ever vifliorious in
*^ rebellions and feditions oi the people. The
^* crown extremely rich and full of treafure,
** and the kingdom like to be fo in a fhort time ;
** for there was no war, no dearth, no Hop of
** trade or conunerce : it was only the Crown
** which had fucked too ' hard, and now being
'** full, and upon the head of a young King, was
*' like to draw lefs. Laftly, he was inheritor of
"his father's reputation, which was great
** throughout the world.**
Princes, however, like private men, do not
always take advantage of the bleffings that are
afforded them. Whatever good is procured
without effort, is feldom or never improved in
proportion to its facility of being foj and per-
haps
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4% HEnKV TUM EIGHTH*
baps the moft wicked as w^ as the wesJieft man
is to be found amongH: thofe who have nothing;
either to hope or to fear.
Henry's re^n, ufliered in^witfe fo bright a mora-
fog, clofed with clouds and with tempefts: mur*.
dcrj> rapine, and defolation marked its progrefs,
and the only bright event in it took its riie more
firom a fatiety of pJeafure, and from a defirc to
command, than from any r^^ard to religion, or
any defire to promote the happinefs of hii^
icople. The well-known Spaniih lines lay of this
Monarch,
Sure as thcfc ftones thy mortal part conceal,
"Ert^r^nA hxk thy {io^^e deep iUme reveaL
Deluded MoBardi» ceaDe^ O ceafe to claim
Frail Vice's pleafiire as the meed of Fame I
Such contrarietiies can never meet.
Head tf the Church, yet at a woman*8 feet !
Henry was intended for the Church while hk
ddcft brother, Prince Arthur ,'iived, and was of
courfe brought up to mufic and to Latin. A 3V
Deum of his compofition is ftill fung at ChrifU
Church, Oxford* The following fpecimen of
his Latin, annexed to fome MSS. of Church
Difdpline in his time, fliews him to no great
advantage as a fcholar :
•* Ilia e/i Ecclefta nojira Catholica^ cum qua Hee
*^ Pontifex Mttximm net quifyms alim Fralatm
"habet
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HENRY THE EIGHTHi, 43
•* habet quicquatn i^ferc^ prxterftom in fuax
« diocefas:'
** This tteh is our Catholic Ghurcln with
^* twhich iKither the Pope nor «y other prelate
^ ha« any thing to do, except k their own
** diocdes."
^ llie number of MonalVeries fuppreffed by
^ this King/' fays Lord Herbert, ** was fix
** hundred andforty-feveh, whereof twenty-feven
*^ had voices anrongft thePcers ; of -Colleges there
■•* were demolifited, in divers ftrires, ninety ; of
** Ghauntries and Free tJhapels, two thoufancl
**^ threehnpdred and fevanty.fourj ofHofpitals,
^' one hundred aftd ten: the yearly value of all
'^^ which were, as I find it caft up, idl,iool.
*^ bemg above a third part of all our Ipiritual re-
*^ venues, befides the money made of the prefent
" flock of cattle, com, timber, lead, bells, &c.
^^ and laftly, but chiefly, of the plate and church
** ornaments, which I find not valued, but may
^* be conjectured by that one Monaftery of St.
^\ Edmond's Bury^ whence was taken,, as our
"^^ records ihew, feven thoufwadrmarks of gc4d
^^ and filver, befides divers ftotias of great value.
*^ The rev^Mies allotted by the King to the new
^* Bifhopricks which he had founded, amounted
«< to 8000L a-yeftr» So that religion,'' adds
Lord
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44 Hr.NRY THE EIGHTH*
Lord Herbert, " feemed not fo much to fuffdf
^ thereby as fome of the Clergy of thofe times
** and of ours would have it believed j our king-
*« dom having in the meanwhile, (as LordCrom-
*' well projefted it,) inftead of divers fupernu*
*^ merary and idle perfons, men fit for employ*
*' ment either in war or peace, maintained at the
** coft of the aforefaid Abbeys and Chauntries :
** fo that the diflblutions (appearing in their
" ftately foundations at this day) are. by our po-
*' litics thought amply recompenfed. Befides,
** the King, in demolifliing them, had fo tender
** a care of learning, that he not only preferred
*^ divers able perfons which he found there, but
*' took fpecial care to preferve the choiceft books
** of their well-furnifhed Libraries ; wherein I
*^ find John Leiand (a curious fearcher of anti-
*^ quities) was employed.*'
As Leo X. had given Henry the name of
Defen/or Fideiy Clement the Seventh added to it
the title of Liberator Urbis Romana.
The book which procured Henry the firfl: ap-
pellation is fuppofed to have been written by
Fifher Bifliop of Rochefter. The immenfe*
wealth which Henry had procured by the fup-
preffion of the monafteries feems to have been
lavifhed with a prodigality as enormous as the
rapacity with which it was acquired^
"Sir
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riENRY THE EIGHTH. 45-
** Sir Thomas Eliot, Knight, in his Image of
** Governance, tranflated," as he fays, *' out of
" Greke into Englyfhe, in the favour of the Nobi-
** litie," after having enumerated the Emperors,
Kings, and Generals of old 'w^o were men of
karning, fays, " And to return home to our
** own countrey, and whereof we ourfelves may
*^ be wytneffes, howe much hath it profited unto
^* this Realme, that it now hath a King, our
*^ Sovereyne Lord King Henry the Eighth, cx-
*' aftly well learned. Hath not he thereby onely
^^ fyfted out deteftible herefies, late mingled
<^ anionge the come of his faithful! fubjeftes,
*^ and caufed much of the chaffe to be thrown
*^ into the fyre ? alfo hypociify and vayn fuper-
** ftition to be cleane baniftied, whereof I doubte
^^ not but that there Ihall be or it be longe a
*^ more ample remembrance to his moft noble
♦* and immortal renoume/*
Sir Henry Spelman, in his " Hiftory of Sa-
^^ crilege,*' fays, *' Whole thoufands of churches
*^ and chapels dedicated to the fervice of God,
^' together with the Monaftcries, and other
^* Houfes of Religion and intended piety, were
^^ by Henry VIII. in a temper of indignation
'^ againft the Clergy of that time mingled with
^' infatiable avarice, facked, and razed, as by an
** enemy. It is true the Parliament did give
** them to him, but fo unwillingly, (as I have
« heard,)
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46, HENRY THE EIGHTH.
•* BeardJ that when the bill had (luck long in
" the Lower Houfe, and could get no paflage,
*^ he commanded the Commons to attend him
*^ in the forenoon in his gallery, where he let
^ them wait till late in the aftejnooji ; and then
^ coming out of bis chamber, walking a turn
^ or two amongft them, and looking angrily at
^ them, firft on one fide, then on the other, at
•* laft he faid, I hear that my bill will not pafs ;
^^ but I will have it pafe, or I will have fome of
•* your heads ; and without other rhetorick or
^ perfuafion returned to his chamber. Enough
^^ was faid, the bill pafied, and all was given him
♦* as he defired/*
*^ It is to be obferved," adds Spelman, ^^ that
^ the Parliament did give all thcfe to thie King,
*' yet did they not ordain them to be dcmoliflied,
*^ or employed to any irreligious ufes, leaving it
" more to the confcience and piety of the King ;
^^ who, in a fpeech to the Parliament, promifed
«^ to perform the truft ; wherein he faith, I canr
*^ not a little rejoyce, when I confider the per-
^ fed truft and confidence which you have put
*^ in me, in tny good doings and juft proceed-
*' ings. For you, without my defire and re-
•* queft, have committed to my order and difpo-
^' fition, all Chauntries, Colleges, and Hofpitals,
** and other places fpecified in a certain adt,
•* firmly trufting that I will order them to the
** glory
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^^^^
ItEKRY THE EIOHTH. 47
•* glory of God and the profit of the common^
*^ wealth* Surely, if I, contrary to your ex-
*^ peftation, ihould fuffer the Minifters of the
•* Churches to decay, or learning (which is fa
^^ great a jewel) to be miniihed, or the poor and
*^ miferable to be unrelieved, you might well fay,
^^ that I, b^g put in fuch a fpeeial truil as I am
** in this cafe, werfe no trufty friend to you, nor
*^ charitable to my Emne-Chriften, neither a
*^ lover of the public wealth ; nor yet one that
*' feareth God, to whom account muft be ren-
** dered of all our doings. Doubt not, I pray
*^ you, but your expeftation fliall be prove4
*^ more gfodly and goodly than you will wifh or
** defire, as hereafter you fhall plainly perceive."
*^ But xiotwitbftanding thefe fair pretences and
** projects, little was performed, for defolatioij
** prefently followed this diffolution: the axe
** and the mattock ruined almoft all the chief
•' and moft magnificent ornaments of the king-
" domj ,vi2r. three hundred and feventy-fix of
*' the ieffer Monafterics, fix hundred and forty..
** five of the greater fort, ninety Colleges, one
^. hundred and ten Religious Houfes, two thou-
*' fend three hundred and feventy-four Chauntr
** ries and Free Chapels. All thefe Religious
*^ Houfes, Churches, Colleges, and Hofpitals,
^ being about 3500 little and great in Ae whole,
« did
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48 HENRY THE EK^HTH.
•* did amount to an ineftimable fum, efpccially if
** their rents be accounted as they are now im-
*' proved in thefe days. Among this multitude
^ it is needlefs to fpeak of the great church of
" St. Mary in Bulloign ; which, upon the taking
^ of that town in 1544, Henry caufed to be
^' pulled down, 'and a mount to be raifed in the
** place thereof, for planting of ordnances necef-
fary to annoy a fiege."
<4
*' The revenue that .came to the King in ten
*' years fpace,'* continues Sir Henry, ^' was more,
*' if I miflake it not, than quadruple that of the
*' Crown-lands, befides a magazine of treafure
*' raifed out of the money, plate, jewels, orna-
5^ ments, and implements of Churches, Mona-
^' fteries, and Houfes, with their goods, ftate,
^^ cattle, &c. together with a'fubfidy, tenth, and
" fifteenth, from the laity at the fame time : to
^^ which I may add the incomparable wealth of
'' Cardinal Wolfey, a 'little before confifcated
*' alfo to the King, and a large fum raifed by
*' Knighthood in the 25th year of this reign."
*^ A man may juftly wonder how fuch an
*' ocean of wealth fhould come to be exhaufted
*^ in fo fhort a time of peace. But God's bleflt
^' ing, as it feemeth, was not upon it,*' adds the
venerable Antiqtiarian ; " for within four years
" after
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HENRY THE EIGHTH. 49
•* after he had received all this, and had ruined
** and facked * three hundred and feventy-fix of
^ the Monafteries, and brought their fubftance
** to his trcafury, befides all the goodly revenues
•^ of the Crown, he was drawn fo dry, that in
^^ the thirty-firft year of his reign, the Parlia-
* This defolation was fo univerfel, that John Bale very
much laments the lofs and fpoil of Books and Libraries in
his Epiftle upon Leland's Journal (Leland being employed
by the King to furvey and preferve the choiceft Books in
tjieir Libraries): " If there had been in every ihirq of
*f England," faith Bale, " but one folemn library for the
** prefervation of thofe noble works, and preferment of
** good learning in our pofterity, it had been fomewhat;
*< but to deftroy all without confideration, is and will be
«* unto England for ever a moft hom'ble infamy amongft
** the grave fcholars of other nations/' He adds, " that
" they who got and purchafed the Religious Houfes at the
** Diflblution of them, took the libraries as part of the bar-
•* gain and booty ; referving (continues he) of thofe library
** books, fome to ferve their jakes, fome to fcour their can-
•* dlefticks, and fomfe to rub their boots with 5 fome they
** fold to the grocers and foap-boilers, apd fome they fen^
^* over fe^ to the bookbinders, not in fmall numbers, but at
** times whole Ihip-fulls, to the wondering of foreign na«
^* tions. I know a merchant-man, who at this time (hall
** be namelefs, that bought the contents of t^o noble
«* libraries for forty ftiillings a-piece-»— a ih^me it is to be tol4.
•* This ftuff hath he ufed for the fpace of more than ten
*• years, inftead of grey paper, to wrap up his goods with,
.*« and yet he hath enough remaining for many years to
« ^ome :— a prodigious example rn4ee<il," adds he, *< is this,
#« and greatly to be abhorred of all men whp love their
^* country as they ought to do,"
VOL. It p ^* m^m
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50 HENRY THE EIGHTH.
** ment was conftrained by his importunity to
** fupply his wants with the refidue of all the
*^ Monafteries of the kingdom, fix hundred and
** forty-five great ones and illuftrious, with att
^ their wealth and prince-like poffcflions. Yet
^* ^even then was not this King fo fufficiently fur-
" niflied for building of a few Block-houfes for
** defence of the coaft, but the next year after he
*^ mufl have another fubfidy of four-fifteenths
*• to bear out his charges : and, left that ihould
^* be too little, all the houfes, lands, and good*
** of the Knights of St. John of Jerufakm, both
" in England and in Ireland."
«< The next year," fays Sir Henry, ^* was the
** King's fatal period, otherwife it was much
*' to be feared that Deans and Chapters, if not
** Bifhopricks (which have been long levelled at)
^* had been his Majefty's next defign ; for he
*' took a very good fay of them, by exchanging
*' lands with them before the Diffolution, giving
*' them racked lands and fmall things for goodly
*^ manors and lordfhips, and alfo impropriations
J^ for their folid patrimony in finable lands ; like
^' the ex^change that Palamedes made with Glau-
*' cus, thereby much increafing his own reve-
.« nues."
** I fpeak
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HENRY THE EIGHTH. 5 1
** I fpeak not of his prodigal hand in the
** blood of his own fubjeds, which no doubt
** much alienated the hearts of them from him*
*^ But God in the fpace of thefe eleven years
•^ vifitcd hinv with five or fix rebellions. And
** although rebellions and infurredbions are not
*^ to be defended^ yet they difcover to us what
*^ the difpleafure and the diflike of the conunon
^^ people were for. fpoiling the revenue of the
** Church, (whereby they were great lofers,) the
^ Clergy being merciful landlords, and bountiful
•* benefadors to all men, by their great hofpi-
•^ taUty and ads of charity."
*^ Thus much," concludes the learned and
venerable Antiquarian, ^^ touching the King'$
♦^ own fortunes accompanying the wealth and
** treafure gotten by himy as we have declared,
*^ by confifcating the Monafleries ; wherein the
** prophetical fpeech that the Archbiihop of Can-
** terbury ufed in the Parliament of the fixth of
^* Henry the Fourth feemeth performed j /ciK
** That the Eling fhould not be one farthing the
*' richer the next year fpUowing *,*'
« What
♦ When James the Fourth, King of Scotland, was ad-
•wfed by Sir Ralph Sadler, Ambaflador from Henry the
Eighth, to increafe his revenues by taking the revenues of
the Abbey lands into his hands, lie rej^ed, " What need
^ have I to take them into my own hands, when I may
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5^ HENRY THE EIGHTH*
" What the whoje body of the Kingdom hath
** fuffered," fays Sir Henry, " fince thefe afts
*^ of confifcation of the Monafteries and theif
" Churches, is very remarkable. Let the Monks
*' and Fryers fhift as they deferved, the good (if
*' you will) and the bad together, my purpofe i»
** not to defend their iniquities ; the thing I la-
*' ment is, that the wheat perifhed with the dar-
** nel ; things of good and pious inftitution with
*' thofe that abufed and perverted them ; by
^^ reafon whereof, the fervicc of God was not
*' only grievoufly wounded, and bleedeth at this
*' day, but infinite works of charity (whereby
*' the poor were univerfally relieved through the
** kingdom) were utterly cut oflf and extin-
" guifhed; many thoufand mafterlefs fervant^
^' turned loofe into the world, and many thou-
*^ fands of p6or people,* who were aftually fed,
*' clad, and nourilhed by the Monafteries, now
" like young ravens feek their meat from Heaven.
<« have any thing that I require of them ? If there be abufes
♦< in any Monafteries, I will reform them. There be ftill
** many tliat are very good.'* Bifhop Latimer, who fat in
the Parliament that diflblved Monafteries, gave it as his
opinion, that two or three of the greater Abbies fhould be
preferved in every County of England for pious and chari-
table pi^rpofes. " This," fays Spelman, " was a wife and
«< a godly motion, and was perhaps the occaiion that ELing
*^ Henry did convert fomc (in part) to good ufes."
^' EYcry
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HENRY THE EIGHTH^ 53
•* Ev^ry Monaftery, according to its ability, had
** an Ambery, (greater or lefs,) for the daily re-
*^ lief of the poor about them. Every principal
*' Monaftery an hofpital commonly for travellers,
** and an infirmary (which we now call a Spital)
** for the fick aiid difeafed perfons, with officers
" and attendants to take care of them. Gen-
*' tlemen and others having children without
*' means of maintenance^ had them here brought
*' up and provided for. Thqfe and fuch other mi-
'' feries falling upon the meaner fort of geople,
*^ drove them into fo many rebellions as we fpake
*' of, and rung fuch loud peals in King Henry's
** cars, that on his death-bed he gave back the
^^' Spital of Stt Bartholomew's in Smithfield, and
^ the Church of the Gray Friars, with other
" Churches, and 5oomarks a-year added to them,
*' to be united, and called Chrift Church founded
** by King Henry the Eighth, and to be Hofpitak
^* for relieving the poor j the Bilhop of Rochef-
" ter declaring his bounty at St. Paurs Crofs on
*' the third day of January, and on the twenty*
** eighth day following the King died/*
" What in Henry the Seventh,** fays Lord
Herbert, " is called covetoufnefs by fome per-
*^ fons, was a royal, virtue ; whereas the exceflive
*^ and needlefs; expences of Henry the Eighth
** drew after them thofe niiferable confecjuences
" which the world hath often reproached. How-»
E 3 " beit^
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54 HiNfeY ^It* fel&HTH,
*• bcit, here may be occafion to doubt whether
*< the immenfe treafure which Henry the Seventh
^^ left behmd him was not accidentally the caufe
" of thofe ills that followed ; while the young
** Prince his fon, finding fuch a piafs of money,
" did firft carelefsly fpend, and after ftrive to
^* fupply as he could.**
^* One of the liberties/^ fays Lord Herbert,
^ which our King took at his fpare time, was to
*^ love. For as recofnmendable parts concurred
^' in his perfon, and they again were exalted in
** his high dignity and valour, fo it muft feem
<^ lefs ftrange, if amid the many faire Ladies
*^ which lived in his Court he both gave and
" received temptation.**
Puttenham, in his " Art 6f Poetry/* gives the
following account of a vifit this Prince paid to
Tome Lady of his Court :
'^ The King (Henry the Eighth),** fays Put-
tenham, .^ having Sir Andrew Flamack his
** ftandard-bearer (a merry-conceited man, and
" apttofcofFc) widi him in his barge, paffing
" from Weftminfter to Greenwich, to vifit a fair
**^ Lady whom th^, King loyed, and who was
" lo^ed in the to^er of tjie park j the King
" coming within fight of the tower, and being
*' difpofed to be nierry^ faid, flamack, let us
" rhyme.
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HENRY THE EIOHTH. 55
^ rhyme. As well as I can, laid Flamadc, if it
^ f leafe^your Grace.
C€
The King began thus :
«* Wkhin this towrc
^ There lieth a flour«
•« That hath my hart.'*
^ Flamack anfwered," adds Puttenham, " ia
** fo uncleanlie terms as might not now become
me by the rules of decorum to utter, writing
to fo great a Majeftie (Queene Elizabeth) ; but
** the King took them in fo evil part, as he bid
" FJamack, Avaunt, varlet ! and that he Ihould
*' be no more neere linto him.'*
'' Her Majefty's noble father,'* fays Putte^.
ham, fpeaking of Henry the Eighth, father of
C^een Elizabeth, " caufed his own head and all
" his courtiers to be polled, and his beard to be
" cut ilhort. Before that time,** adds he, " it
" was thov^ht more decent both for old and
** young to be all fhaven, and to^eare long
" haire, either rounded or fquare. Now again
^* at this time the young Gentlemen of the Court
" have taken up the long haire trayling upon
" their fhoulders, and think it more decent ; for
" what refped I fliould be glad to knowe.**
E4 According
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j6 HENRY THE EIGHTH.
According to Hollinfhed, this Prince thus ad-
dreffed the Court at Black Fryers, on his con*,
jugal fcruples :
" YE REVEREND yATHERS,
*^ I have in marriage a wyfe to me moft deere,
** & entirely beloved, both for hyr fingular vir-
** tues of mynde, & alfo for her nobilities of
*' birth. -But fith I am the king of a mightic
** kingdom, I muft provide that it may be law-
^^ ful for me to lye with hyr duely, lawfully,
** & gbdlye, & to have children by her, unto
** the whiche the inheritance of the kingdome
** male by righte mofte juftlie defcend; which
^* two things (hall follow, if you by jufte jndge-
" ment approve our marriage lawful : if there
** be any doubte, 1 fhall defyre you by your au-
*' thoritie to declare the fame, or fo to take it
*' awaie, that in this thing both my conference
" & the mynds of the people may be quieted
*« for after.*'
« After-Jhis," adds Hollinfhed, " cometh the
*' Queen, the which there, in prefence of the -
** whole Court, accufeth the Cardinal of un-
*' trouth, deceit, wickednefle & malice, which
** had fowen diflention betwixt her & the King
*^ her hufbande, & therefore openly protefted
*' that fhe did utterly abhorre, refufe, and for*
** fake fuch a judge ^ was not only a moft ma-
*' *licious
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HENRY THE EIGHTH. 57
^^ Ucious enemie to her^ but alfo a manifefl: ad«
*' verfarie to all right & juftice, and therefor*
** ihe'did appeale unto the Pope, committynge
*' hir whole caufe to be judged of him :— ^ thus
** for that day the matter refted.'*
The following lines, written by Henry, were
(according to the Editor of the '* Nuga Anii^
<« qua*^) prefented and fung to Anne Boleyn
during the time of their courtfliip. Byrd, in
Queen Elizabeth's time^ fet them to mufic
The eagle's force fubducs each byrde that flici.
What metal can refifte the flamjrngc fire ?
Doth not the funne dazzle the cleared eyes.
And melte the ice, and make the fnowe retire?
The hardefte ftones are peirced thro' with tooles ;
The wifelt are, with princes, made but fooles.
This Monarch's character was, perhaps^ never
better defcribed than in the dying words of Car-
dinal Wolfey to Mafter Kingfton, the Lieutenant
of the Tower, who was fent to arreft him:
*^ Hee is a Prince of a moft royall carriage &
*' hath a princely heart, & rather than he will
** mijfe or want any part of his willy be will en*
^' danger the one half of his kingdom. I do affure
** you, Mafter Kingfton, that I have often
^^ kneeled before him for three hours together
*' to perfuade him from his will and appetite,
" but
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^8 »ENRY THE EIGHTH.
^ but could never prevaiL Therefore let me
^ advifc you, if you be one of the Privie Coun-
^ fell, (as by your wifdome you arc fit,) take
^ heed what you put into the Khig's head, for
** you can never put it out again.**
It appears by a Letter of Gerard de Plaine,
that Henry entered into a treaty with the Em-
pciror Maximilian, by whicli, for a certain fum of
money given to him by Henry, Maximilian was
to furrcnder the Imperial dignity to him. It
feems as if Henry had not the money ready at
the time that the diftreffed Emperor wilhed to
exchange his fplendid honour for more fubftan*
rial profit. .
^ I have beard,** fays tNittcnham, in his jirt
of Poetry^ " that King Henry the Eighth, her
♦' Majefties father, though otherwife the moft
** gehtle and affable Prince of the world, could
** not abide to have any man flare in his face,
** or to fix his eye too fteadily upon him, when
^ he talked with them; nor fdr a common fuitor
** to exclame or cry out for juftice, for that i&
*^ offienfive, and as it were a fecret impeachment
" of his wrong-doing, as happened once to a
*^ Knight in this realm, of great worlhip, fpeak-
" ing to the King.
«^ King
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HEHRT THE £IOHTH. 59
*^ King Henry the Eighth, to one that en-
** treated him to remember one Sir Anthony
*^ Roufe ^th fonie rew^d, for that he had
^ fpent much and was an ill begger; the King
^ aunfwerM, (noting his infolencie,) If he be
** aihamed to b^ge; we are afhamed to give ;
*^ and was nevertheldTe one of the moft liberal
^ Princes of the woHd.'^
PRINCESS MARY,
SISTER TO HENRY THE EIGHTH, AFTERWARDS <^TEEM
OF FRANCE, MARRIED TO LOUIS THE TWELFTH, AND
THEN TO CHARLETS BRANDON, DURE OF SUFFOLK*
The following account of this Princefs is
taken from a Letter of Gerard de Plaine to
Margaret of Auftria.
^ MADAME, ** Lon^es, Jum 20, 1514.
^* * Je vous ay riens vouloir efcrire de Madame
** la Princeffe jufques a ce que je Tai veu
*' plufieurs fois : je vous cettiffie que c'eft une
"^^ des plus belles fiUes que Ton fcauroit voir, &
** me femble point en avoir, oncques vu une fi
** belfe. Elle n'cft riens melancholique, ains
*^ toute recreative, & a le plus beau maintien
^ foit en devifes; en danfes oil autrement. Je
** vous afTure qu'elle eft bieu norrie (nourrie) &
^' fault
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6o PRINCESS MARY.
" fault bien qu'on lui ait toujours parl^ de
** Monf '*, en telle bonne forte, car pat la parole
** & les manieres qu'elle tient, & par ce que j'ai
*' entendu de ceulx qui font autour d'elle, il me
** femble qu'el aime Monf*^ merveilleufement^
^ EUe a ung tableau, ou il eft tres mal contreu
*^ fait, & n'eft jour au monde, qu'elle ne le
** veuille voir plus de dix fois, comme Ton m-i
** afferme, & ce me femble que qui lui veult
** faire plaifir, que Ton lui park de MonT.
^ J'euffe cuyde qu'elle eut ete de grande ftature
^ & venue, mais elle fera de moyenne ftature.**
CATHARINE OF ARRAGON,
FIRST QUEEN OF HENRY THE EIGHTH,
When Cardinal Campejus came over to
England on the bufmefs of the divorce between
Henry the Eighth and his Queen, he had an au-
dience of this Princefs, when, according to Lord
Herbert, he took occafion to acquaint her with
the danger (he was in refpeding the annulling
her marriage, and advifed her to betake herfelf
to a religious life ; " for which many pretexts
^ wanted not, as I find in our records, flie
*^ having been obferved fmce the Commiffion
* Prince of Caftilc.
" tpok
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/
CATHAR.INE OF ARRAGON. 6t
** took place to allow dancing and paftimes
•* more than before ; and that her countenance,
** not only in Court but to the people, was
^* more cheerful than ordinary ; whereas it was
** alledged flie might be more fad and penfive,
•* confidering that the King's confcience was un-
«* fatisfied, and that he had refrained her bed,
*' and was not willing the Lady Princefs her
^ daughter fhould come into her company.
** The oflfended Queen replied peremptorily,
** that fhe was refolved to (land to that marriage
" which the Romifh Church had allowed, and,
*^ howfoever, not to admit fuch partial judges as
^ they were to give fentence in her caufe.*'
In a Miffal which this pious Princefs prefented
to her daughter Mary, afterwards Queen of
En^and of that name, is written with her own
hand,
^* I think that the praiers of frinds be accept*
** able unto God, and becaufe I take you for
-** one of my moft affured, I praie you to remem-
"*' ber me in yours^
^' Katharina/*
This dignified fufferer is thus defcribed in a^
Letter of Gerard de Plaine to Margaret of
Auftriai " C^eft une dame recreative, humaine,
•♦* & gracieufe, & de contraire complexion &
•*^ maniere a la Reyne de C&ftille, fa fceur/'
That
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62 CATHARINE OF AltRACfOK*
That acute and comprehenfive critic Dr. John*^
fon, in his remarks upon Shakefpeare's tragedy*
of Henry the Eighth, fays, " that the meek for-*
*^ rows and virtuous diftrefe of Queen Catharine
^^ have fumifiied fome fcenes which may be juftly
^ numbered amongft the greateft efforts of Tra^
? gedy* But the genius of Shakefpeare," adds
he, *^ comes in and goes out with Catharine.**.
Our great Dramatic Poet has, in the fpeechea
of Queen Catharine, very often copied th^em from
Hall and Hollinflied. It is the happy privilege
of genius to know when to feleft and when to
invent. According to Hall, when the Cardinals
Wolfey and Campejus came to announce to hei
the appointment of the Tribunal at Black-Friars,
to decide refpefling the validity of her marriage
wth Henry, ihe thus addreffed them : *^ Alas>
^ my Lords, whether I bee the Kinge's lawfuH
^^ wife or no, I have been married to him almoft
*^ twenty years, and in the meane feafon never
'^ queftion was made before! DyversPrelate*
*^ yet being alyve, and Lordes alfoe, and Privie
^^ Counfellors with the Bang at that tyme, thea
*' adjudged our marriage lawful and honeft ; and
^' now to fay it is deteftable and abominable, I
*' thinke it great marvel, and in efpecially when
*^ I confider what a wife Prince the Kinge's
*^ father was, and alfo the love and affeftion th^t
*^ Kyng Ferdinando my father bare unto mo.
^^ I thinke in myfelf, that neither of our fathers
^' were
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<(
CATHARINE OF ARRAOON. 6$
^ werefoundrcumfped, fo unwlfe^ andof fofmall
** imagination, but they foriawe ^diat might fol-
*' lowe of our marriage; and in efpecial the Kyng
*' my father fent to the Court of Rome, and
*' there after long fuite, with great cofte and
** charge, obteigned a licenfe and difpenlation,
^* that I being the one brother's wyfe and para-
*' venture carnally knowen, might, without fcru-r
pul of confcience, marry with the other law*,
fully, which lycence under lead I have yet to
fhew J which thinges make me to fay, and
*'. furely believe, that oure marriage was bothe
*' lawful, good, and godlie. But of thys trouble
** I onley may thanke you, my Lorde Cardinal
*' of Yorke ; for becaufe I have wondered at
** your hygh pryde and vain-glory, and abhorrc
** your volupteous lyfe and abominable lechery,
*^ and little regard your prefumpteous power and
*** tyranny, therefore of malice you have kindled
** thys lyre, and fet thys , matter abroche j and
^[ in efpecial for the great malice that you bear
*' to my nephew the Emperour, whom I know
^^ you hate worfe than a fcorpidn, becaufe he
^^ would not fatisfie your ambition, and make
*' you Pope by force, and therefore you have
^^ fayed more than once, that you would trouble
^* hym and hys frendes; and you have kept
*^ hym tru promyfe, for of al hys warres and
vexacions he only may thanke you ; and as
for me, hy% poor aunte and kynfwoman, what
4 *^ trouble
4e<
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54 CATHARINE OF ARRAGON.
^^ trouble you put me to by this new found
^ doubt, God knoweth, to whom I commyt my
^ caufe according to the t^ith/*
Hollinflied thus defcribes her laft ilhiefs and
death.
1535. " The Princefs Dowager Heng at
^' Kimbolton fell into her laft fickneffe ; whereof
" the King being advertifed, appointed the Em-
*^ perour's Ambaffadour that was Leger here with
^' him, named Euftathius Capucius, to go to
*^ vifit her, and to doe his commendations to
*' her, and will her to be of good comforte. The
" Ambafladour with all diligence did his duty
*' therein, comforting her the beft he might ; but
^ fliee within fixe days after, perceiving herfelf
^^ to waxe verie weake and feeble, and to feele
" death approaching at hande, caufed one of her
*' gentlewomen to write a letter to the King,
" commending to him her daughter and his, and
*^ befeeching him to ftande goodfather unto her;
*' and farther defired him to have fome confider-
*^ ation of her gentlewomen that had ferved her^
^^ and to fee them beftowed in marriage. Fur-
^' ther, that it would pleafe him to appoint that
'^ her Servants might have their due wages and
*^ a year's wages b^des.
^' This in effeft was aU fhe requefted ; and fo
^* impiedi^tely hereupon (he departed this life the
^' 8th
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CATHARINE OP ARRAGOM. 6^
•* 8th of Januarie, at Kimbolton aforefaid, and
** was buried at Peterborrowe.*^
Lord Herbert, frcaa Polydore Vergil, fays,
that Queen Katharine, falling into her laft fick<'
nefs at Kimbolton in Huntingdonftiire, in the
fiftieth year of her age, and finding her death
approaching, caufed a maid attending upon her
to write to the King to this effeft:
^* MY 1«0£?T DEAR LORD, KING, AND
HUflffiAND^
^* The hour of my death now approaching, I
•• cannot choofe but, out of the love I beare you,
•< to advife you of your foule's health, which you
•* ought to prefer before all confiderations of the
•* world or fleftr whatfoever j for which yet you
** have cafl: me into many calamities, and your-
** felf into many troubles. But I forgive you
^ all, and pray God to do foe likewife. For
** the reft, I commend unto you Mary our
** daughter, befeeching you to be a good father
•* to heri as I have heretofore defired. I muft
** entreat you alfo toTefpeft my maids, and give
'* them in marriage (which is not much, they
** being but three) j and to ^ my other fervants
** a year's pay, befides their due, deft otherwifc
*' they fhould be unprovided for. Laftly, I
" make this vow, that mine eyes defirc you
•* above all thmgs. Farewell.**
vox.. I. F '
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166 2
ANNE BOLETN.
. This unfortunate Queen of Hemy the Eighth
is thus defcribed by Lord Herbert, firpm a rela^
tion " taken out (he fays) of a MS. of one
" Matter Cavendifli, Gentleman Uflier to Car-
*^ duuJ Wolfey/'
^ Anne Boleyn was defcended, on the father^s
^^ fide, from one of the heirs of the Earles of
*^ Ormonde, and on the mother's from a daugh-
** ter of the Houfe of Norfolkej of that lingular
^^ beautie and towardnefle, that her parents took
** all care poflible for her good education*
" Therefore, befides the ordinary parts of vir-
** tuous inftruftions, wherewith fhee was libe*
" rally brought up, they gave her teachers in
" playing on mufical inftruments, fmging, and
*^ dancing; infomuch, that when fhe compofed
" her hands to play and voice to fing, it was
*^ joined with that . fweetneffe of countenance
" that three harmonies concurred. Likewife,
f ^ when Ihe danced, her rare proportions varied
** themfelves into all the graces that belong
^^ either to reft or motion.**
»■ ' ' '-
The following origmal Letter is in the Britiih
Mufeum, and fhews of what confequence Anne
Boleyn thought Archbifhop Cranmer's inter-
ference
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ANNE BOLEYN. 67
ference in her marriage yifith King Henry the
l4ghth. It is addreffed to th^t IVelate, and is
curious for the fimpKcity of the ftyle, and the
orthography of it*
** My Lord, in my moft humble wife 1 thank
** your. Grace for the gyftof thys benefice for
" Mailer Barlo, how behit this ftandeth to non
** effede, for it is made fox Tcmbridge, and I
^ would have it (if your pleafure war fo) for
*^ Sondridge j for Tonbrige is in my lord my
*^ father's gyft, bi avowfon that he hath, and it
** is not yet voyd. I do troft that your Grace
** will graunt him Sundrig, and confidering the
•^ payne that he hath taken^ I do thynke that it
** ihall be verie well beftovyd, and in fo doing I
*' reckon myfelf moche bounde to your Grace.
^* For all thofe that have taken pain in the King's
*^ matter, it will be my daily ftudy to imagin
*^ all the waies that I can devyfe to do them
*' fervis and pleafur. And thus I make amende,
^* fendyng you again the letter that you fent me,
*' thankyng your Grace moft humbley for the
** payne that you take for to wryte to me, affur-
*^ inge you, that next the Kyng's letter, there i$
** nothhige that can rejoice me fo moche. With
. ** the handc of her that is moft bounde to be
^ Your moft humble
« and obedient Servant,
*^ Ankk Boleyn.
Fa, "My
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t58 ANNE BOLEYK.
*• My Lord, I bcfyche your Grace with all
•* my tiart to remember the Parfon of Honey-
'** lane for my fake fhortly/'
- The original of the following Letter from
An]ie Boleyn to Cardinal Wolfey is alfo in the
£rttifh Mufeum ; and fhews what pains fhe took,
jand what artifices fhe made ufe of, to gain the
aiffiflance of that powerful Minifter, in her mar**
riage with King Henry^
^* TO Cardinal wolsey.
<^ MY X.ORD,
f* After my moft humble recommendationg
*^ this (hall be to give unto your Grace as I am
** moft bound my humble thanks for the gret
*^ payn and travell that your Grace doth take
** in ftewdyeng by your wyfdome and gret
** dylygcns howe to bryng to pas honerably the
^ grctyft welth that is poflyble to com to any
** creator lyvyng and in efpecyall remembryng
^ howe wrecchyd and unworthy I am in com-
*^ paryng to his Highnes And for you I do
*' knowe myfelf never to have defervyd by my
*• defertys that you Ihuld. take this gret payne
** for me yet dayly of your goodnefs I do per-
** ceyve by all my ffrends And though that I
•* hade not knowledge by them the dayly proffe
" of your deds doth declare your words and
4 *' wrytyng
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** wrytyng toward me to be titewe Now good
^« my Lord your dyfcreflyon may confydcr as yet
^ howe lytle it is in my power to recompenco
*^ you but all onely with my good wyl the
^* wbiche I afiewer you tlxajt after this matter b
^^ brought to pts you (hall find me au^ I am
<< bownd in the meane ' tym to owe you my
^ lenryfe and then looke what thyng in this
^^ world I can immagen to do yo^ pleafpr in you
*^ fhall fynd me the gladdyft woman in the
** woreld to do yt And next unto the kyhg'g
•* grace of one thyng I make you full promes to
** be affewryd to have yt and that is my harty
** love unffaynydly dewering my lyf And
" beyng fully determynd with God's grace
** never to change thys porpes I make an end
** of thys my reude andftrewe meanyd letter
*^ prayng ower Lord to fend you moche increfe
** of honer with long lyfe. Wrytten With the
*^ hand of her that befychys your Grace to ex-
** cept this letter as prpfydyng from one that is
•* mofl bownde to be
" Your huble and obedyent Servant
** Anne Bqleyn.'*
" As loon as Rither, Bilhop of Rochefter,
•* .was beheaded," fays Dr, Bayley, in his Life
of that Prelate, ^* the executioner carried the
^^ head away in a bag^ meaning, to have it fet
F 3 *^ on
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fO AlWE 30LEYK.
^ on London Bridge that iiight, as he was com*
^ manded* The Lady Ann Boleyn, who was
^ the chief caufe of this holy man^s dea^, had
** a certain defife ta fee the head before it was
** fet up. Whereupon, it being btought to her,
** flie beheld it a fpace, and at 1^ contemptuoufly
** faid thefe or the like words:— Is this the head
** that fo, often exclaimed againft me ? I truft
^ it fhall never do any more harm.'*
Orders being iflued by Henry the Eighth, that
all ftrangcra fhould be removed out of the Tower
of London previous to th^ execution of Anne
Boleyn, Mafter Kingfton, Lieutenant of the
Tower, wrote the following letter to Mafter
Thonxas Cromwell, afterwards Lord Cromwell
and Earl of Effe;s:. The letter is preferved in
Lord Herbert's incomp?irable Hiftory of the Life
and Reign of King Henry the Eighth.
" SIR,
•* If we have not ah hour certain (as it may
^« be known in London) I think here will be but
** fewe, and I think a reafonable number were
*^ beft. For I fuppofe (he will declare herfelf to
be a good woman for all men but for the
King, at the hour of her death, for this
^* morning fhe fent for me, and protefted her
*^ innocency. And now again, and faid to M.
Kingfton, * I heard fay I fhall not die afore
** noon,
cc
«
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AMK2 BOLEYKt ft
^ noon, and I am fony therefore, for I thought
*^ to be dead by this time, and paft my pain/ I
*^ told her it (hould be no pain it was iofotell*^
** for fo it his word'* (adds Lord Herbert).
^ And then (he laid, fte heard fay the ezecu-
•• tzoner was very good, * and I have a little
'^ neck;' and. put her hand about it, laughing
^^ heartily. I hare feen many men and women
*^ executed, and they have been in great forrow;
'^ and, to my knowledge, this lady hath much
^ joy and pleafure in death.
" May 19, 1536.*'
•> The nineteenth of May being thus come,*^
fays Lord Herbert, " the Queen, according to
** the exprefs order given, was brought out to a
** fcaflfold erefted upon the Green in the Tower
** of London, where our hiftorians fay fhe fpoke
** before a great company there affembled, to
•Mhiseffea:
** GOOD* CHRISTIAN PEQPLE,
•* I am come hither to die. For according to
** the law, and by the law, I am judged to die,
** and therefore I will fpeak nothing agamft it. I
•* am come hither to accufe no man, nor to fpeak
•* anything of that whereof I am accufed and
* Sttbtik, fudden.
F 4 ** con*
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J% AKNE iBOLEYit
*^ condemned to d|^. But I pray God (ave Urn
^ King, and fend him long to rcign over you*
*^ For a gentler nor a niotje.mercifiil Prince there
** never was, and to me hee was ever a good, a
** gentle, and a foveraihe Lord. And if any
•* perfon will judge of jny caufe, I require them
^ to judge the beft. And thus I take my leave
*^ of the world, and of you alL And I heartily
^* defire you all to pray for me."
^* After which,**^adds Lord Herbert, " coming
** to her devotions, her head was ftricken off
" by a fword. And thus ended the Queen,
** lamented by many, both as fhe was defirous
f* to advance learned men, in which number
" Latimer Bilhop of Worcefter and Saxtoa
" Bifliop of Salifbury are recounted, and as flic
" was a great alms-giver, infomuch that fhe it
*'. faid in three quarters of a year to have be*
^ flowed fourteen or fifteen thoufand pounds in
" this kinde, befides money intended by her
** towards raifmg a ftock for poor artificers in
« the realme.*'
In one of the letteh which fhe wrote to Henry
previous to her trial, fhe fays, «* You have chofen
** me from a low eftate to be your Queen and
" companion, far beyond my defert or defire.
** If then you found me worthy of fuch honour,
^ let
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ANNE BOLEYK. 73
•* let not any light fancy or bad coujpil of mine
?* ^emies withdraw your princely favour from
5* ine. Keither let that ftam, that unworthy
<« ftjun of a difloyal heart towards your good
** Grace ever caft lb, foul a blot on your moft
** 4utiful wife, and the injEmt Princeffe her
f * daughter. Try me, good King, but let me
*^ ti#y(9 a kwfuil trial, and let not my fwom enc*
'^ ijdie^ firas my accufers and judges. Yea, let
^ mfe r^dve an open trial, for my truth ihall
^* fear no open fliame,**
CARDINAL WOLSET
Told Sir William Cavendifh, his Gentleman
Uflier, that by means of his parents, and other
his good friends, he was maintained at the Uni-
verfity of Oxford, where he profpered fo well,
that in a fhort time he was made Bachelor of
Arts when he was but fifteen years of age, and
was conrnoi^nly called there the Boy Bachelor.
Wolfey, on his return from Oxford, fettled in
the country as a fchoolmafter, where happening
to difpleafe a powerful neighbour. Sir Janies Paw-
let, ** he (as his Kographer, Cavendifh, fays) fet
** Wolfey by the heels j which affront,*' it is
added.
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74 CAUBmAL wot^Er.
added, ^* was neither fofgotten nor forgiven $
** for when the fchoolmafter mounted fo high as
•* to be Lord Chancellor of England, he was
*^ not forgetful of his old difpleafure moft cruelly*
" miniftered to him by Sir James, but fent fof
*' him, and after a very fBarp reproof, enjbihed
** him not to depart out of London without
" licence firft obtamed ; fo that he cohfiniMid kt
** the Middle Temple for the fpace of five or fit,
** years, and afterwards lay in the Gate4ioufe
** near the Stayres, which he re-edified, and
** fumptuoufly beautified the fame all over on the
^ outfide with the Cardinal's arms, his hat, his
'* cognizance, and badges, with other devices, ,
*' in fo glorious a manner, as he thought thereby
** to have appeafed the Cardinal's (fifpleafure/*
The eldeft fon of the Earl of Northumberland,
who was in the CardinaFs houfehold, was con.,
traded in marriage to Anne Boleyn^ to the ex-
treme indignation of Henry the Eighth, who or*
dered the Cardinal to fend for his father to Lon-
don, to talk to him on the jTubjeft of his intended
marriage. " The Earl of Northumberland,'*
fays Cayendifli, " came to London very fpeedily,
*^ and came firft to rhy Lord Cardinal, as all great
'«« perfonages did that in fuch fort were fent for,
«« by whom they were advertifed of the caufe of
<* their fending for j and when the Earl was
«' come, he was pfefently brought.into the gallery
« to
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CARX^mAL W0L3ET. 75
^ to the Cardinal. After whqfe meeting, my
^ Lord Cardinal and he were in fecret communi-
"' cation a long fpace* After their long dif-
^ cburfe, and drinking a cup of wine, the Earl
•* departed; and at his going away, he fate
^ down in the gallery, upon a form, and called
*' his fon unto him, and faid : Son, (quoth he,)
'* even as thou art and ever haft been a proud,
** difdainful, and very unthrifty matter, fo thou
** haft now declared thyfelf. Wherefore what
** joy, what pleafure^ what comfort can I con-
** ceive in thee, that thus, without difcretion,
*^ haft abufed thyfelf ; having neither regard to
** me thy natural father, nor unto thy fovereign
** Lord, to whom all honeft and loyal fubjefts
" bear iaithfiil obedience, nor yet to the pro-
** fperity of thy own ettate j but haft fo unad-
^ vifedlyenfnared thyfelf to her, (Anne Boleyn,)
*^ for whom thou' haft purchafed the King's
** high difpleafure, intolerable for any fubjefl: to
** fuftain ? And but that the King doth confider
** the lightnefs of thy head, and the wilful qua-
" lities of thy perfonj, his difpleafure and indig-
** nation were fufEcient to caft me and all my
^* pofterity into utter ruin and deftruftioh. But
** he being my fingular good Lord and favour^
** able Prince, and my Lord Cardinal my very
** good friend, hath and doth clearly excufe me
*^ in thy lewdnefs, and doth rather lament thy,
" folly
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;5 CARDINAL WOtSXT*
^ foUy than mali^ thee ; and hath advifed aa
^ order to be taken for thee, to whom both you^
^ and I are m6re bound than we can conceive
•* of. I pray to God, that this may be a fuffi-
" dent admonition to thee, to ufe thyfelf more
^ wifely hereafter* For affure thyfelf, that if
^ thou doft not mend thy prodigality^ thou wilt
" be the lafl: Earl of our Houfe. For thy na-
^^ tural inclination, thou art wafteful and prodigal
^ to confumc all that thy progenitors have with
^ gre^t travail gathered, and kept togeUier with
*^ honour ; but having the King's Majefty^s my
^ fingular good Lord's favour, I truft (I aflure
*^ thee) fo to order the fucceflipn, that thou fbalt
** confume thereof but little. For I do not intend
*^ (I tell thee truly) to make thee heir ; for,
** thank God, I have other boys, that (I truft)
♦^ will ufe themfelves much better, and prove
** more like to wife and honeft men, of whom I
*^ will chufe the moft likely to fucceed me.**
** Then,'* continues Cavendifh, ** turning to
^ us who were the attendants of the Lord Car-
*^ dinal, he faid, Now, good Mafl:ers and Gen*
" tlemen, it may be your chances, when I am
** dead, to fee thefe things which I have fpoken
" to my fon, prove 4^ true as I now fpeak them.
^* Yet, in the mean time, I defire you all to be
<^ his friends, and tell him his faults in what he
« doth
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CARDINAL WOXSBr* J^
<* doth amiffe, wherdn you will (hew yourfelres
^ friendly to him j and fo I take my leave of
** you. And fon, go your wayes unto my Lord,
** your Matter, and ferve him diligently. And
" fo parted my Lord of Northumberland, and
*^ went down into the Hall, and fo took his
*« Ijarge.'*
The Cardinal does not appear to hare been
very forupulous in the means * by which he pro-
cured fupport for the pious and learned founda-
tiorn which he rauifed. According to Lord Her-
bert, by a concurrence of the pap^ and regal
authority, he fupprefled divers Monafteries, and
gave fuch terror to the reft, that he drew large
fums from them ; but as this, at laft, became a
pubUc grievance, the King took notice of it in fo
♦ <* The Cardinal/' fay» Ofbornc acutely, «< kad for-
^ gotten an aphorifm of policy, when he pulled dowa Mo«
^ nafteries to build Colleges ; hy which he inftruAed that
** docfle Tynmt Henry to do iht fame. The wifdom of
** Mofes/* add« Ofbome, « was fuperlatire ; who, left one
« facrilegtous ii^ury (hould have prof«d a precedent for m
*< greater, (had the people made a benefit by the fpoil,)
^* employed the cenfers of Corah and his complices to make
** plates for the altar $ but finding the gold of idols too rank
** decentlytobeufedintheferviceof God, he reduced them
^* to powder, and threw them into the River, left the MuU
« titude, hanng been fleftied on a Calf, (a fidfe Deity,}
^ ihould after aflume the boldnefs to rob the true one, and
^ ihofe his ioftitutes appointed to li^ by his fervice/'
iharp
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y8 CARDmAL WOLSIY.
(harp a manner, that the Cardinal. was enforced
not only to excufe himfelf with much fubmiffion,
but to promife never to do fo any more ; pro-
tefting withal, that he had made a lad will and
teftament, wherein he had left a great part of hift^
cftate unto his Highnefs. " Upon which fub-
** million of the Cardinal, as I take it," fay^
Lord Herbert, " the King fent him this letter,
** written all with his own hand, as we find it
** in our records :
** As touching the matter of Wilton, feeing it
*^ is in no other ftrain than you write of, and you
** being alfQ fo fuddenly (with the falling fick of
** your fervants) afraid and troubled, I marvel
*^ not that it overflipped you as it did. But it is
** no great matter, flandmg the cafe as it doth j
** for it is yet in my hand, as I perceive by your
*^ letter, and your default was not fo great, feeing
** the election was but conditional. Wherefore,
** my Lord, feeing the humblenefs of your fub-
** million, and though the cafe were much more
*f heynous, I can be content for to remit it ;
*^ being right glad, that according to mine in-
** tent, my monitions and warnings have been
** benignly and lovingly accepted on your be-
*' half; promifing you, that the very affeftion I
** bear you caufed me thus to do. As touching
** the help of religious houfes to the building of
** your CoUedge, I would it were more, fo it be
" lawftilly;
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CARDINAL WpLSEY* 79
«* lawfully; for my intent is none but that it
^< ihould lb appear to ail the world, and the oc«-
^^ cafion of all their mumbling might be feclud*
♦« ed and put away; for furely, there is great
*^ murmuring of it throughout all the realm,
^^ both good and bad. They fay not, that aU
•• that is ill gotten is bellowed upon the Col-
•* ledge, but that the Colledge is the cloak for
•* covering all mifchiefs. This grieveth me, I
•* aflure you, to hear it fpoken of him which I
** fo entirely love. Wherefore, methought I
^* could do no lefs than thus friendly to ad-
•* monilh you. One thing more I perceive by
** your own letter, which a little, methinketh,
** toucheth confcience; and that is,, that you
^* have received money of the Exempts for hav-
** ing of thjeir old Vilitors. Surely, this can
** hardly be with good cpnfcience. For, and
•* they were good, why Ihould you take money?
•* and if they were- ill, it were a finlul aft.
** Howbeit your legacy herein might peradven-
*' ture apt^d hmims be a cloak, but not apud
*' Deum Wherefore you, thus monifhed by
^* him who fo entirely loveth yoii, *I doubt not
** will defift not only from this, (if confcience
^ will not bear it,) but from all other things
** which Ihould tangle the fame; and in fo
^' doing, we will ling, .
«* Te lauiant Angeli atque Archangelu
*• Xi.laudat omnis Spiritus^
i%
And
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So CARDINAI. WOtdEV^
^^ And thus an end I make of this, though
^ rude yet loving letter, defiring you as bene*
^ volently to take it as I do mean it; for I
^ infure you (and I pray you think it fo) that
^ there remaineth at this hour no fpark of di£*
^ pleafure towards you in my heart. And thud
** fare you well, and be no more perplext*
** Written with the hand of your loving Sovc-
^ reign and friend,
•^ Henrv !?/•
The Cardinal's naif zxii intcrefting Biographer
gives the following account of his fall, and of
the incidents that took place whilil it was im^
pending.
** Now," fays he, *^ the King eommanded the
^ Queen (Catharine of Arragon) to be removed
^ from the Court, and fent to another place,
" and prefently after the King rode on progrefsr,
•^ and had in his company Miflrefs Anne Boleyn.
** In which time Cardinal Campejus made fuit to
« be difcharged, and fent home to Rome j an<i
** in the interjm returned Mr. Secretary (Gar-
^ diner) ; and it was concluded, that my Lord-
^ (the Cardinal Wolfey) fhould come to the
«* King to Grafton in Northamptonfliire ; as
^ alfo, that Cardinal Campejus, being a ftranger,
** fhould be conduced thither by my Lord Car-
** dinal. And fo next Stmday there were divers
<« opinions that the King would not fpeak with
^ my
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CARDINAL WOLSEY. fil"
^ my Lord. Whereupon there were inany
^* great wagers laid.
^* Thefe two Prelates being come to the Court,
^ and al%hting, expedted to be received of the*
** great Officers (as the manner was); but they
** found the contrary. Neverthelefs, becaufe
^K the Cardinal Campejus was a ftranger^ the
*^ Officers met him with ftaves in their hands in
" the outward court, ?knd fo conveyed him to
^ his lodging prepared for himj and after my
^ Lord had brought hin^ to his lodging he de*-
^ parted, thinking to ha^e gone to his chamber,
** as he was wont to doe; but it was told him,
" he had no lodging or chamber appointed for
^ him in the Court, which newjs did much
** aftonifh him.
^ Sir Henry Norris, who was then Groom of
" th^ Stole, came unto my Lord, and defired
♦* him to take his chamber for a. while,; until
" another was provided for him. For I affure
** you (quoth he) here is but little room in.lhis
** houfe for the King, and therefore I humbly
^' befeech your Grace to accept of mme for a
** feafon. My Lord, thanking him for his
" courtefie, went to his chamber, where he
•* fliifted his riding apparel,
VOL. I. G ** In
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it CARDINAL VrOLSEY.
. ** In the mean time came divers Noblemen of
** his friends to wellcome him to court, by
^^ whom my Lord was advertifed of all things
^^ touching the King's iavour or difpleafure; and
<< being, thus informed of the caufe thereof, he
*^ was moTc jibje to cycufc himfplf,
^* 80 my Lord made him ready, and went to
*^ the Chamber of Prefence with the other Car*
*^ dinal, where the Lord3 of the Council ftocwj
** all of a row in order in thie Chamber, and all
^ the Lords faluted them both, And there
^ we're prcfent many Gentl«ii(en who came on
^5 purpofe to obferve the meeting, and the
** countenance xrf the King to my Lord Cardie*
^* naU Then immediately after, the King came
*^ into the Chamber of Prefence, ftanding under
*^ the cloth of State. Then my Lord Cardinal
?*- took Cardinal Campejus by the hand, and
^' ktieeled down before the King; but what he
*♦ faidunto him I know not, but his countenance
^ was amiable; and his Majefty ftooped down^
^^ and with both his hands took him up, an4
*^ then took him by the hand and went to the
** window with hira^ and thcrp talked Wth hm
^^ ^ great i^rhile,
** Then to have beheld the countenances,*'
»diJ£ C»vcndife, " of the Lords and Noblemen
4^ ^' ihit
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CARDINAL WOL^EY. 83
ff that had laid wagers, it would have made you
J* fmile, efpecially thofe that had laid their
J* money that the King would not fpeak to my
5« Lord Cardinal. Thus were they deceived j
*^ for the King was in earneft difcourfe with the
5* Cardinal, infomuch that the King faid.to him,
^^ How can this be? Js not this your hand? aud
f* pulled dut ^ letter out of his own bpfome, and
f* fhewed the fame to the Cardinal, An4 as J
f^ perceived, my Lord fo anfwered the fame^
5^ that the King had no more to fay, but faid to
?* him^ Go to your dinner, and take niy Lord
^* Cardinal to k;eep you company, and after
^^ dinner I will fpeak further to you. And fo
f^ they departed; and the King dined that day
^* with Miftrefs Anne Boleyn in her chamber*
f * I heard it reported by thofe that waited on the
5' Kin^ ?t dinner, that Miftrefs Anne Boleyn
^^ was oflfended, as nmch as £he durft, that the
** King did fo gracioufly entertain my Lord
," Cardinal, faying. Sir, is it not a marvellous
," thing tQ fee into what gr^at debt and danger
f ' lie hath brought you with all your fubjeds ?
?' How fo ? quotlji the King, Forfooth, quoth
^* fhe, there is not a man in all your kingdonj
f^ Worth a hundred pounds, but he hath indebt-
« ed yoju to him (meaning the loan whiph the
Jting had of his fubjefts). Well, well, qjioth
the King, for that matter, there was no
02 " blame
^c
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84 CARDINAL WOLSEY.
** blame in him, for I know that matter better
** than you or any one elfe. Nay, quoth Miftrefs
" Boleyn, befides that, what exploits hath he
** wrought in feveral parts and places of this
*' realm, to your great flander and difgrace?
*^ There is never a Nobleman but if he had
** done halfe fo much as he hath done, were
** well worthy to lofe his head. Yea, if my
^^ Lord of Norfolk, my Lord of Suffolk, my
** Father, or any other man, had done much
** leffe th^n he hath done, they (hould have loft
** their heads ere this. Then I perceive, quoth
** the King, that you are none of my Lord Car-
** dinars friends ? Why, Sir, quoth fhe, I have
*' no caufe, nor any that love you. No more
" hath your Grace, if you did well confider his
*' indirect and unlawful doings. By this time
*• the waiters had dined and took up the tables,
*' and fo for that feafon ended the converfation.
** Then," adds Cavendilh, " there was fet
** in the Prefence-chamber a table for my Lord
*' Cardinal and the other Lords, where they
*' dined together ; and fitting at dinner telling
** of divers matters. The King fhould do well,
^ quoth my Lord Cardinal, to fend his Bifhops
*' and . Chaplains home to their Cures and
** Benefices. Yes, marry, quoth my Lord of
*^ Norfolk, and fb it were meet for you to do
« alfo.
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CARDINAL WOLSEY. 85
•^ alfo. I would be very well contented there-
** with, quoth my Lord, if it were the King's
•* pleafure to licenfe me with his Grace's leave
^ to goe to my Cure at Winchefter. Nay,
♦' quoth my Lord of Norfolk, to your Benefice
•^ at York, where your greateft honour and
** charge is. Even as it fhall pleafe the King,
*^ quoth my Lord Cardinal; and fo they fell
*' upon other difcourfes. For indeed, the No-
*^ bility were loth he Ibould be fo near the King
*' as at Winchefter* After dinner they fell to
** counfell.
^^ The Sang after dinner departed from Mif.
*^ trefs Anne Boleyn, and came to the Chamber
*^ of Prefence, and called for my Lord, and in
^* the great window had a long difcourfe with
** him (but of what I know not). Afterwards,
** the King took him by the hand and led him
** into the Privie Chamber, and fate with him in
^* confultation all alone, without any other of
^^ the Lords, till it was dark night; which
•' blanked all his enemies very fore, who had no
** other way but by Miftrefs Anne Boleyn (in
*' whom was all their truft and affiance) for the
*^ accompliflunent of their eiiterprizes; forwith-
** out her they feared that all their purpofes
*' would be fruftrate.
03 " Now,"
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86 CARDINAL WOLSEY.
^* Now,*' adds Catcndifh, ^* at night wam-
^* ing was given me, that there was no rooni
*« for my Lord to lodge in the Court; fo that t
*^ was forced to provide, my Lord a lodging iii
^^ the country about Eafton, (at one »Mr. £mp«
** fton's houfe,) where my Lord came to fupper
** by torch-light, it being late tjiefore my Lord
^* parted with the King, who willed him to re^
** fort to him in the morning, for that he would
*^ further with him about the fame matter. In
*^ the morning my Lord came again to the
** King, at .whofe coming the King's Majefty
*^ was ready to ride, willing my Lord to confult
** with the Lords in his abfence, and fiaid he
^* could not talk with him, commanding my
^* Lord to depart with Cardinal Campejus.
*« This fiidden departure of the King," fays
fcavendifh, " was the efpecial labour of Miftrefs
" Boleyn, who rode with him purpofely to draw
^* him away, becaufe he ihould not return till
" the departure of the Cardinals. The King
^^ rode that morning to view a piece of ground
*^ to make a park of, which was afterwards
^.called Harewell Park, where Miftrefe Anne
** had provided him a place to dine in, fearing
*' his return before my Lord Cardinal's de-
parture.
<^ Soon
c<
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^^ Scion after thefe incidents^ the King fcnf
^^ the Dukes of Norfolk and Suflfolk to demand
«* the Great Seal from the Cardinal. This wai
" foon afterwards followed by the Cardinal's ar-»
«* reft, and his death.*'
The following diftich was left Upon the tvalll
of the Cardinal's College, now that of Chrift^
jChurch^ in Oxford, whilft it was building :
Nonjlabat ifla domuSi multis fundata rapinis s
Aut cadet i aut alius raptor habebit earn*
Thcfc w^l8» which rapine rais'd, what ills await,
By ^e juft judgment of unerring fate I
Soon or to ruin they (hall fall, a prey.
Or own a new ufurpct's lawlcfs (way*
The foundation-ftone of the College which the
Cardinal founded at Ipfwich was difcovered a feW
years ago. It is now in the Chapter-houfe of
Chrift-Church, Oxford. "
One of the ixioft curious and entertaining pieces
bf biogr^hy in the Engliih language is tHe ac«
count of. the life of this great Child of Fortune
by his gentleman-ufliery Sir William Cavendifli*
It was firft- printed in the yeat 1.64 1 by the' Puri*
tans; with many addition! and interpolations^ to
render Archbifhop Laud odious, by ftfewing how
far an >^r«hbi&op. had. dnce carried Chui-ch
■ 04 powen
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88 CARDIiTAIi WOLSEY*
jjowct. Mr. Grovc^ about the year 1761, pub*
lifhed a correQ: edition of this Work, collated
from the various MSS. of it in the Mufeum and
in other places.
According to this narrative, the Cardinal fay$
to Matter Kingfton upon his death-bed, ^ Let his
.**, Gracc>'* meaning Henry the Eighthy " con-
^* lider the ftory of King Richard the Second,
*^ fon of his progenitor, who lived in the time
^^ of WicklifFe^s feditions and herefies. Did not
** the Commons, I pray you, in his time rife
*' againft the nobility and chief governors of this
** realm, and at the laft fome of them were put
" to death without juftice or mercy ? And, under
*• pretence of having all things common, did
^^ they not fall tp fpoiling and robbing, and at
** laft tooke the Kin^e^s perfon, and carried him
«« about the city, making him obedient to their
*^ proclamations?"
-^* Alas, if thefe be not plain precedents and
** fiifficient perfuafions to admonifli a Prince,
" then God will take away from us our prudent
" rulers, and leave us to the hands of o\ir enemies,
*' &• then will enfue «nifcKiefe upon mifchiefe,
^ incohveWencies, bartcnn^ffe, & fcarcitie, for
^^. want of good . order uv the Commonwealth,
# " from
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CARDINAL WOLSEY, 89
•* from which God of his tender mercy defend
" Matter Kingftott farewell. I wifhe all things
** may have good fucceffe ! My time drawes on,
*« I may not tarrie with you. I pray remember
**iny words."
Wolfey was buried in the Church of the Abbey
of Leicefter, on the 30th of November 1530,
before day, and not (as Lord Herbert fays) at
Windfor, where he had begun a monument for
himfelf ; *' wherehi, as it appears/' adds he,
** by our own records, he had not forgotten his
^* ovm image, which one Benedetto, a ftatuary
** of Florence, took in hand in 1524, and con-
** tinned till 1529, receiving for fo much as was
" already done 4250 ducafts; the defigne whereof
** was fo glorious, that it exceeded far that of
*' Henry the Seventh. "Neverthelefle I find the
** Cardinal, when this was finilhed, did purpofe
" to make a tombe for Henry the Eighth *. But
" dying in this manner, the King made ufe of
* Ofborne obfcrves, that " Wolfey iKewed himfelf no
" accompliihed courtier when he hiid the foundation of a
*' grave for a living King^ who could not be delighted with
** thie fight of his tomb, though never fo magnificent:
V having lived in fo high fenfuality, as I may doubt whether
«< he would have exchanged it for the joys of Heaven itfelt**
<(
ftt
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5© tAKX>tnAL "WotSET.
•* fo miich as he found fit, and called it his^
** Thus did the tomb of the Ciirdinal parta&.c
** the fame fortune with his College, as being
^ affumed by the King. The news of the dar-
** dinal^s death being brought to the King, it did
*^ fo much afiliQ: him ^ that he wiibrf it had coft
•* him twenty thoufand pounds, upon conditzod
*^ that he had lived. Howbeit, he omitted not
^ to inquire of about fifteen hundred pounds
** which the Cardinal had lately got, without
^ that the King could imagine how.'^
It is faid in the Prelate to. Si Grammar written
by Mr. Haynes, the fchoolmafter of Chrift-
Church, that Cardinal Wolfey iiiade the Accx*^
iJence before Lily's Grammar.
/
*^ The Cardinal was a ihort lufty man,'^ fayg
Aubrey, ** not unlike Margin Luther, as* appears
*^ by thfe paintings that remain of him/^ A
great writer obferves^ that few ever fell from fo
high a fituation with lefs crimes objeded to hini
than Cardinal Wolfey : yet it mull be remem-*
bered, that he gave a precedent to his rapacious
Sovereign of feizing on the wealth of the Mo-
nafteries, which however the Cardinal might well
apply, (fuppofing that injuftjce can ever be fanfti-
fied byits confequences,) by beftowing it oii the
creftion of feminaries of learning, yfet that wealth,
in the hands of Henry, became the means of pro*
fufion
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CARDlKAIr CAUfEjVt. ^t
fufion and oppreffibn ; and corrupted and fubju*
gated that country^ ^^hich it ought- to have Im^
proved and protcftedi
CARDINAL CAMPEJUS.
Wh£n dampejus was in England on the bu^
ftnefs of IQng Henry^s divorce, he fpent his time
in hunting ^d gaming, and brought over with
him a natural fon, whom the King knighted.
The Duke of Suffolk often afked his Majefty,
how he could debafe hiitifelf fo, as to fubnyt his
caufe to fiich a vile, vicious, ftranger prieft ?
Menage fays, that there was a man of Campe-
jus's acquaintance Who took fuch care of his
beard, that it coft him three crowns a montlu
^e Cardinal told him one day, ** That, by-and*
^^ by, his beard would coft more than his bead
** was worth.*^
Many letters written by Campejus, peculiarly
Interefting on the hiftory of his own time, are to
be met with in " Bpijiohrum Mifcellanearum
^' Libri X.
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[9^]
LORD CROMWELL-
When the articles of impeachment againfl:
Cardinal Wolfey were fent down to the Lower
Houfe, Thomas Cromwell, who had been a fer-
vant of the Cardinal, defended his old and
difgraced Mafter with fuch ability, that the
charges of high treafon brought againfl him
Were thrown out, '^ Upon this honeft begin-
** ning,'* fays Lord Herbert, '* Cromwell ob-
*• tained his firft reputation.**
** Mr. Cromwell, (now highly in the King*s
** favour,)*^ fays Mr. More, in his very enter-
taining Life of his Grand&ther, ** came of a
•^ meflagc from the Bang to Sir Thomas j
** wherein when they had thoroughly talked to*
^ gether, before his going away, Sir Thomas
** faid to him, Mr. Cromwell, you,' are entered
*• into the fervice of a mpft noble, wife, and
** liberal Prince. If you will follow my poor
** advice, you fhall in your counfell-giving to. his
** Majeftie ever tell him what he ought to doe,
** but never what he is able to doe ; fo fhall you
*• fhewe yourfelf a true and faithful fervant, and
*^ a right worthie counfellour : fot if a Lion
** knew his own flrength, hard were it for anie
•* man to rule him» But,** adds Mr. More,
" Cromwell
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LORD CROMWELL. 93
** Cromwell never leatned this leffon ; for he
*.* ever gave that counfcU to his Prince which
f^ he thought would beft pleafe him, and not
<« what was lawfuL'*
Cromwell's reafons for ferving his cruel and
rapacious Sovereign in diffolving the Monafteries
and Abbeys in England, are fuch as might have
fiiggefted themfelves to every unprincipled minion
of authority who wifhed to glofs over the injuftice
, of his proceedings, and are thus ftated by Lord
Herbert : " Firft, faid he, in regard to the Clergy,
*^ as they have taken an oath to the Pope, they
^ are only the King's half fubjefts. Secondly,
'« With refped to expelling the Monks, he faid,
** that was nothing more than to reftore them ^
♦^ to their firft inftitution of being lay and la.
<^ bouring perfons. And thirdly, he added. That
" the particular aufterities praftifed by them as
^* members of religious houfes, they might prac-
<* tife, if they pieafcd, in any other fituation/'
** Henry,*' adds Lord Herbert, " finding
" Cromwell no longer neceflary, gave way to
^* the frivolous accufations of his enemies, and
** brought him to the block, at which he fuffered
** unlamented ; though (according to the fame
" noble hiftorian) he had been noted, in the ex-
** ercifi? of his places of judicature, to have ufe4
" much
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94 JLORp chomwel;,*
^ much moderation ; aiid in his greateft pomp^
^ to have taken notice of, and to have been
^ thankful to, mean perfons of his old acquamt-r
^ j^ce/^
SIR THOMAS MORE.
In how different a manner do Princes apprc^
date the merits of their fervants !— When that
honour to human nature. Sir Thomas More, was
beheaded by his cruel and ungrateful Sovereign,
Charles the Fifth faid to Sir Thomas Eljyot,
^* If I had been mailer of fuch a fervant, of
" whofe doings ourfelves have had thefe many
f * years no fmall experience, I would rather have
^^ loft the beft citie of my dominions than Jiave
^ Ipjl fjgich ^ worthie Counfellor/*
Sir Thomas, who well k|iew th^ difpofitioij
of Henry, faid one day to his fon Mr. Roper^
who had complimented him upon feeing the
King walk with his arm about his Ujpck, ** |
** thanke our Lord, I find his Grace a very
f * good lorde indeed, and I do bell^eve he dot^
^ as fmgularly favour ]me as any fubjeft within
5^ this realme. Howbeit, fori Roper, I may
5* tell thee, I have no caufe to be proud thereof j
f^ for if my head would vmine him a caftle in
?* France, yt fliould not fayle to go/'
Mr.
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\
SIR THOMAS -MO RE. 95
Mr. Roper's life of his venerable Father-m-law
Is one of the few pieces of natural biography that
we have in our language, and muft be perufed
with great pleafure by thofe who love antient
times, antient manners, and antient virtues. Of
Sir Thomas More's difmterefted|iefs apd inte-
grity in his office of Chancellor, Mr. Roper gives
this inftance :^ — ^* That after the refignatioh of it
" he was not able fufficiently to finde meat, drink^
^' fuell, apparel, and fuch other neceffary charges j
<* and that 'after his debts payed he had not I
^* know (his chaine excepted) iti gold and filver
^* left him the value of one hundred pounds.'*
Mr. Roper thus defcribes Sir Thomas More :
f* He was a man of (ingular worth, and of a
^^ cleare unfpotted confcience, as witncffeth
^* Erafinus, more pure and white than the
^* whiteft fnow, and of fuch an angelical wit,
'" as England, he fayth, never had the like be-
** fore nor never fhall again. Univerfally as
^^ well in the lawes of our realjne (a ftudie in
f* effed able to occupy the whole lyfe of a man)
^' as in aU other fciences right well ftudied, he
^' was in his days accounted a man worthie
^} famous memory."
This excellent man is thus defcribed by
J5i^m»8, ii^ ^ letter to Ulderic Haller :
f' More
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96 SIR THOMAS MORE.
** More fcems to be made and born for
*^ fnendlhip, of which virtue he is a fincerc
^ follower and very ftri£t obferver. He is not
^* afraid to be accufed of having many friends,.
** which, according to Hefiod, is no great praife.
•^ Every one may become More*s friend ; he is
*^ not flow in chufing; he is kind in cheriffiing,
^ and coiiftant in keeping them. If by accident
^ he becomes the friend of one whofe vices he
*^ cannot correft, he flackens the reins of friend-
** fhip towards him, diverting it rather by little
** and little, than by entirely diflblving. it,
*^ ThoXe perfons whom he finds to be men of
^^ lincerity, and confonant to his own virtuous
*^ difpofition, he is fo charmed with, that he ap-
** pears to place his chief worldly pleafure in
•* their converfation and company. And al*
♦* though More is negligent in his own temporal
*^ concerns, yet no one is* more affiduous than
*^ himfelf in affifting the fuits of his friends.
•* Why fliould I fay more ? If any perfon were
^^ defirous to have a perfefl: model of friendfliip,
*^ no one can afford him a better than More.
^^ In his converfation there is fo much aflfability
*^ and fweetnefs of manner, that no man can be
** of fo auftere a difpofition, but that More's
*^ converfation muft make him cheerful; and no
** matter fo unpleafing, but that with hk wit he
** can take away from it all difguft/*
Erafmus
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SIR THOMA$ MOR£; 9^
Erafmus fays again of this excellent mjui fopn
after his execution :
'. ,
*^ All men, even thofe who diflike him for
f^ diflferin^ from them in religion, muft lament
** the death of Sir Thomas More; fo great was
** his courtefy to all, fo great his affability, fb
^* fweet his difpofition. Many perfons fi^our
** only their own countrymen: Frenchmen
f* fevQur a Frenchman; Scotchmen favour a
*^ Scotchman } but More?8 general benevolence
f^ hath imprinte4 h?s memory fo deep in all
** men's hearts, that they bewail his death a$
f * thai of their own father or brother. I myfelf
^i have feen many perfons weep for Moire's
** death, who had never leen him, nor yet ret
<< ceived any kindnefs froin him. Nay, as {
f^ write, tears ^oy from,: my eyes, whether |
f ^ will or not. How many perfons has that ax^
?' wounded, which fpve^ec^ More'^ hea4 fronj
f' his body r
* * f .* f ?\
^' Therefore,'* adds Erafmus, " whe^ my
r" friends have congratijlated m^ that I had a
^' friend like MorQ plac^jd in ifo eminent a ftatioity
f* I was ufed to fay thaj I jvould never congrar
f^ tulate him upon his increafe cf 4^gmty till hp
f^ himfelf tol4 me that I might/'
VOL. J. H §ij
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99 SIR THOMAS MORS.
Sir Thomas More ufed to fay of ungrateful
perfons, that they wrote good turns done to
them in the duft, but engraved injuries upon
marble. Of the folly of thofe who were over*
anxious for the dignities of the world, he ob*
fcrved, " As a criminal who is about to be
^' led to execution would be accounted foolifli,
^ if he Ihould engrave his coat of arms upon
^ the gate of the prifon ; even fo are they vain,
*^ who endeavour with great induftry to ereft
^ monuments of their dignity in the prifon of
^ this world/*
^ The King, Henry the Eighth,'* fays Mr.
More,* in the Life of his Grandfather, ^* ufedof
^* a particular love to come on a fuddain to
^* Chelfey, where Sir Thomas More lived, and
^* leaning upon his Ihoulder, to talke with him
^' of fecrett counfel in his garden, yea, and
*' to dine with him upon no inviting.'^
^* It happened one day," fays Mr. Aubrey,
in liis Manufcript Lives, " that a mad Tom of
** Bedlam came up to Sir Thomas More as he
^ was contemplating, according to his cuftoni,
** on the leads of the gate-houfe of his palace at
♦* Chelfea, and had a mind to have thrown him
*^ from the battlements, crying out. Leap, Tom,
*« leap. The Chancellor was in his gown, and
" befides.
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SIR THOMAS MORE, 99
^ beddes, ancient and unable to ftruggle with
^* fuch a ftrong fellow. My Lord had a little
^ dog with him. Now, (feid he,) let us firft
*^ throw the dog downe, and fee what fport that
^ will hi : fo the dog was thrown over. Is not
** this fine fport (faid his Lordfliip)? Let us
^ fetch him up smd try it again. As the mad*
^ man was going down, my Lord £dlened the
*^ door, and called for help/*
When Sir Thomas was Lord Chancellor, he
conftantly fat at ma& in the chancel of CheUea
church> while his Lady lat in a pew; ^d.be-
caufe the pew ftood out of fight, his Gentle*
man U&er ever after fervice opened it, smd faid
to Lady More, " Madam, my Lord is gone."
On. the Sunday after the Chancellor's place
was taken from him, (of which he had not ap"
prized his wife,) the family went to church
as ufiialj when, after the fervice, Sir Thomas
himfelf came to hi& wife's pew, and faid,
*' Madam, my Lord is gone,*' to her great
afloni&ment and indignation.
More's fpirit and innocent mirth did not for-
fake him in his laft moments. As he was going
up the fcaffold to be beheaded, he found the
ftairs of it fo weak and crazy, th;^t it was nearly
ready to fall: he -turned about to the Lieutenant
of the Toiler and faid, ^* l^ray, Matter Lieui-
Ha ^' unant.
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lOO . SIR THOMAS MOM.
** tenant, fee me fafe up ; and for my coming
<* down, I can ftiift for myfelf/' When he had
finiflied his prayers, he turned to the executioner
and faid, on obferving him look fad and dejeft-
cd, " Pluck up thy fpirits, Man, and be not
" afraid to do thine office; my neck is very
** fliort, therefore take care you do not ftrike
^^ awry, for your credit's fake.- ' Then laying
his head upon the block, he delired the execu-P
tioner to ftay till he had put his beard afide,
^^ for that,*' faid he^ ** has never committed
^' treafon." Mr. Addifon well obferves, *^ that
^' what was only philofophy in Sir Thomais
^* More, would be phrenzy in one who does not
^* refemble him in the cheerfulnefs of his temper,
*' and in the fandity of his life and manners,"
The Duke of Norfolk advifed Sir Thomas,
previous to his trial, to mak^ his fubmiffion to
his unprincipled ^nd obdurate Sovereign. " By
« the mafs. Sir Thomas," faid he, "it is perir
" lous ftriving with Princes ; therefore I could
** wilh you as a friend to incline to the King's
" pleafur^; for, by God's body, Indignatio prin-^
" cipis mors eji.^^ " Is that ajl, niy Lord ?" re*
plied Sir Jhoma^ : " In gppd faith, then, there
^' is no more difference between your Qrace an4
^* me, than that I fhall die to-day and your QracQ
^' f p^piorjrpw. If therefore jhp anger of a Prijic^
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6tR THOMAS MORE. 10 1
^ caiifcth but temporal death, we have greatef
** caufe to fear the eternal death which the King
^^ of Heaven can condemn us unto, if we fticke
** not to difpleafe him by pleafmg an earthly
*^ King/'
*^ When the news of More*s de^th was bi'bught
** to the King,** fays Stapleton, ** he was pkiy-
** ing at tables ; Anne Boleyn was looking on.
** The Kling caft his eyes upon her, and faid,
** Thou art the caufe of this man's death ! and
•* prefently leaving his play, he retired to his
** chamber, and fell into a deep melancholyi"
It IS wonderful what ihifchievous effedVs fuper-
ftition and prejudice product upon the wifeft
heads and the beft hearts : — One Frith had writ-
ten againft the corporal prefence; and on his
not retracing, after More had anfwered him, he
caufed him to be burned^
** James Sainton," fays Burnet, *^ a Gentle-*
** man of the Temple, was taken to the Lord
** Chancellor's houfe, where much pains was
** taken to perfuade him to difcover thofe who
** favoured the new opinions. But, fair means
** not prevailing. More had him whipped in his
** prefence, and after that fent to the Tower,
" where he looked on, and faw him put to the
*Srack» He was burned in Smithfield; and
H3 " with
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lOl SliL tHOMAS MOHEii
^ with him/' adds Burnet, *^ Morels perfiscU*
*' tions ended ; for foon after he laid down the
*^ Great Seal, which put the poor preachers at
«^ eafe/*
Luther being afked, Whether Sir Thomas More
was executed for the Gofpel's fake ? atafwered^
*' By no means, for he was a very notable tyrant*
•* He was the King's chiefeft counfellor^ a very
** learned and a very wife man. He fhed the
** blood of many innocent Chriftians that con*
" feffed the Gofpel, and plagued and tormented
** them like an executioner/*
^' Colhq. Menfai:' 464^
Yet how difcdrdant does More's praftice feem
to be to his opinions ! In his Celebrated " Utopia'*
he lays it down as a maxim, that no one ought
to be punilhed for his religicm, and that every
perfon might be of what religion he pleafed*
fISHER,
BISHOP OF ROCHESTEft*
HenHy the Eighth having demanded of the
Convocation the furrender to him of the fmall
Abbies in England, the Clefgy in general agreed
4 to
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FI$H£R. 103
to his requifition. F^er, Bifhop of Rocbefter,
perceiving how his brethroi were inclined^ thut
addreffed them :
*' My Lords, and the reft of my Brethren here
** affembled, I pray you to take good heed to
** what you do, left you do not know what you
** can and what you cannot do. For indeed the
*^ things that are demanded at our hands are none
*^ of ours to grant, nor theirs to whom we fliould
** beftow them, if we fliould grant them their
** defires ; but they are the legacies of thofe tef-
** tators who have given them to the Church for
*' ever, under the penalty of a heavy curfe im-
*^ pofed on all thofe who fliall any way go about
** to alienate their property from the Church :
** and befides, if we fliould grant thefe lefler
** Abbies, &c. to the Kmg, what fliall we do
*^ otherwife than fliew him the way how in time
*' it may be lawful to him to demand the greater?
** Wherefore, the manner of thefe proceedings
** puts me in mind of a -fable": How the axe
*' (which wanted a handle) came upon a time
^* unto the wood, making his moan to the great
** trees, how he wanted a handle to work withal,
** and for that caufe he was conflrained to fit
*' idle. Wherefore he made it his requeft to
*' them, that they would be pleafed to grant him
^ one of their fmall faplings within the wood, to
*^ make him a handle. So, becoming a complete
H 4 *' ax^,^
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tb4 n*HEk.
^* axe, he feu to work within the fame woodf
*^ that in procefs of time there was neither great
*^ nor fmall tree to be found in the place where
** the wood flood. And fo, my Lords, if you
** grant the King thefe fmaller Monafteries, you
*^ do but make him a liandle, whereby, at his
^ own pleafure, he may cut down all the Cedars •
** within your Libanus ; and then yoii may thank
*^ yourfelves, after you have incurred the heavy
^^ difpleafure of Almighty God.*'
^ This fpeech,** fays his Biographer^ Dr. Bay-
ley, ** changed the minds of all thofe who were
** formerly bent to gratify the King's demands
** herein, fo that all was rejefted for that time.*'
Cromwell was fent to the good Bifhop by the
King, to know what he would do if the Pope
fliould fend him a Cardinal's hat. " Sir," re-
plied Fifher, " I know myfelf to be fo far
*' unworthy of any fuch dignity, that I think of
*' nothing lefs ; but if any fuch thing fhould hap-
♦* pen, affure yourfclf I fhould improve that fa-
*' vour to the befl advantage that I could jn
** affifling the holy Catholick Church ; and in
** that refpeft I would receive it upon my knees.'*
Cromwell having reported this anfwer to the
King, he faid, with great indignation^^ " Yea, is
" he yet fo lufly ? Well, let the Pope fend him
" a Cari
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7I8H2R. tOJ
** ft Cardinal's hat when he will. Another df
'^ God ! he fhall wear it on hi$ fhoulders then i
*' for I will leave him never a head to fet it on/*
Hehry was foon afterwards as good as his word,
aiid feiit to the block one of the moft viituous
and upright prelates that his kingdom had ever
produced. The Bifhop met his fate with the
conftancy and refignation of a martyr.
Chaffes the Fifthi, on hearing of the deJtth o^
this Prelate, told Sir Thomas EUyot, the King of
England's Ambaflador at his Court, that in killing
Bifliop Fifher, his mafter had killed at one blow
all the Bifliops of England: " For/' added he,
" the Bifliop was fuch an one, as for all pur^
^^ pofes I think the Eang had not the like again
** in his realme, neither yet was he to be matched
^* throughout all Ghriftendom/*
ERASMUS.
^ This great hian defcribes a cuftoni prevaltot
!h England in his time among the females, the
difcontinuance of which, as the Britiih ladies
have moft afiuredly gained great attractions fmce
the
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the days of Erafmus, (frangcfs, no left tfctn
natives, muft mod truly lament*
<* Ex Anglia, 1449.
*^ Sunt hic in Anglia nymphae * divmis vul-
^ tibus, blandse, faciles. Eft praeterea mos nun-
** quam fatis laudandus^ fiye quo venias, om-
* *' The Englifli,** feys Mr. Bany, in bis excellent work
upon the Obftrudions to the Arts in England, *< have been
*< remarked for the beauty of their form even fo early as
•* the time of Gregory the Gr^t, and it was one of the
«* motives for fending Auftin the Monk amongft them.
•* Our women alfo we (hall but (lightly mention » for it would
** bear too much the appearance of an infuh over others,
•* were we to do but half juftice to their elegant arrang^-
** ment of proportions and beautiful delicate canwrtions.'*
** There is a delicate peachy bloom of complexion very
«« common in England (which is the fource of an infinite
** truly piAurefque variety, as it follows the diredions and
*' the paflions of the mind) that is rarely and but partially
** to be met with anywhere elfe, except in the fancied dj^-
*< fcriptions of the Greek and Latin poets."
The celebrated Roger Afcham, in one of his letters from
Au^burg, thus fpeaks of the Englifh :
** Engknd'nccd fear no mtMvard enemies; - the lufty lad&
*« fcrelie be in England. I have feen on a Sunday more
•* likelie men walking in St. Paul's Church, than I ever yet
*< faw in Augufta, where lieth an Emperor with a garrifon,
^ three Kings, a Queen, three Princes, a number of Dukes,
** &c.'*
'^ niuni
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JEUASBfUS. t07
*^ nium ofculis receperis, five difcedas aliqu6,
^ ofculis dimittens. Redis^ redduntur iuavia;
; ^^ venitur ad te^ propinantur fuavia ; difceditur
*^ abs te, dhriduntur bafia; occurritur alicut^
<^ bafiaiurafiatim; demquequocunquetemoveaS)
*' fuaviorum plena funt omnia.*'
Luther m his " Table-Talk'' fpeaks thus of
this great fcholar and elegant writer :
^^ Erafmus was ftained and polfoned at Rome
** and at Venice with Epicureifm. He praifes
'^ the Arians more than the Papifts. But
*^ amonglt all his blunted darts I can endure
<^ none lefs than his Cat^chifm^ in which he
** teaches nothing certain ; he only makes young
^^ perfons err and defpair* His principal dofbrine
<* is, that we muft carry ourfelves according to
** the times, and as the proverb fays. We muft
** hang the cloak according to the wind. Eraf-
•^ mus only looked to himfelf, to eafy and plea^
'^ fant days* Erafmus is an enemy to true reli-
^^ gion ; a pidure and image of «an* Epicure and
** crfLucian."
Eralmi
When the portrait of Eralmus was one day
fliewn to Ltirfier, he liadd, ^ Were I to look like
*^ this jridure, I fliould be the greateft knave in
» the world.** ^
I.
Luther
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io8 * ERASMUS.
Luthei* had a perfdnal diflike to ErafrauS;
They differed in opinion refpefting free-will; At
the beginning of the difputes between the Papifts
5Lnd the Proteftants, Luther had done every thing
in his power to bring him over to his opinion,*
and according to Boffuet had written feme very
iervile letters to him for that purpofe. At firft
Erafmus favoured the fentiments of Luther ;
but when he found the fchifm betwem the two
Churches openly declared, he withdrew from
Luther, and wrote againfl: him with his ufual
moderation. Luther anfwered with extreme
Violence ; and Erafmus in one of his letters to
Melanfthon. fays, " I really thought that Lu-
*' ther*s marriage would have foftened him a
*' little. It is very hard for a man of my mode-
** ration, and of my years, to be obliged to write
*« againft a favage beaft and furious wild boar/*
Erafmus, in another letter to Melanfthon,
fpeaks of Luther's excefs of vehemence, and
gives a folution.of it. " What fhocks me th^
*' moft in Luther is, that whatever opinion h6
^^ undertakes to defend, he pufhiss it to the ut-
^* moft. And when he is told of this, inftead
** of becoming more moderate he goes on ftill
** ferther, and feems to have a great pleafure t^
*^ hurry on to ja greater extrfemity, I know his
f ^ difpofition from his writings as well as if I was
** living with him. He is of an ardent and im*
" petuou*
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£KA8MUS. 109
^* petuous fpirit. You fee in erery thing that
♦' he does an Achilles, whofe anger is not to be .
^^ fubdued. Add to all this, his great fuccds,
^^ the favourable opinion of mankind, and the
^* applaufes of the great Theatre of the World,
^* there is furely fufficient to fpoil a man of the
^* moft modeft difpofition/'
Malichias fays of Kralmus, ^^ that he ufed to
•' r^e early, and give up his mon^ngs to ftudy
'* and to writing ; then, in imitation of the Aur
^* tients, make a late dinner, and afterwards give
f * himfelf up to the company of his friends, or
^' tajte a walfc with them, and in converfatjon
** chat pleaf^tly and chearfully \jrith them, of
** repeat thofe fentences which, taken down in
** writing from his mouth by fome of them, have
** fince appeared with the titje of his FamiUaf
'' Colloquips/'
Erafmus had fo great an averfion to fifli, that
Jxe pould not even bear the fmell of it : this made
^he Papifl^ fay, that Erafmus had not only ^
Lutheran difpofit^on^ but a Lutheran ftomacl^*
The memory of Erafmus was held in fjich
veneration even by fovereigns, that Philip tht
Second of Spain, Mary Queen of HuQgary^ and
ff^y Prifxcei? in their tf ain? who were at Rotter-
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no ARCHBISHO? WARHAf^.
dam in 1549, inflamed with a veneration for the
memory of this great man, vifited the houfe and
the chamber in ^hich he was born.
ARCHBISHOP WARHAM.
The memory of this learned and excellent
Prelate will be ever endeared to all lovers of li*
terature, for the patronage which he conftantly
afforded to Erafmus^
Warham died, as d'Alembert fays a Catholic
Bifhop ev^r fhould die, without debts and with^
out legacies. Though, he had paffed through
thehigheft offices, in the Church and State, he
left little more than was requifite to pgy his
funeral charges. Not long before he died, he
called for his fteward to know how much money
he had in his hands, who told him that he had
about thirty pounds. " Well then,'* replied he
•cheerfully, ^^ fatis viatici ad Cmlum: There h
^ enough to laft me to Heaven."
Erafmus, on hearing of the death of this
Idndeft pStron he ever had, thus expreffed him-
felf in one of his letter^ to Charles Blunt, the fon
of Lord Mountjoy: **"My letter is, I fear, an
♦< unpleafant
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AKCHBISHOP ^ARHAM. HI
*^ unpleafant melancholy letter. I have this in-
*^ ftant heard that that incomparable treafure of
** virtue and goodnefs William Warham has
** changed this life for a better. I lament my
•* fate, not his; for he was truly my conftant
^' anchor. We had made a folemn compad to-
*' gether, that we would have one common
^^ fepuichre ; and I had no* apprehenixon but
*^ that he, though he was fixtecn years older
*' than myfelf, would have furvived me. Nei-
*' ther age nor difeafe took away from us this
** excellent man, but a fatality not only to him-
** felf, but to Learning, to Religion, to the
*^ State, to the Church. Though, as Lord
** Archbilhop of Canterbury, and Lord Chan-
*^ cellor of England, obliged to give audiences
** to Ambafladors, and his time to fuitors, yet
*^, he had ftill time enough not only to tranlad
** all his fecular bufmefs, but to beftow a large
*' portion of it upon ftudy and religion : for he
*' never loft a moment in hunting, in gaming,
^' in idle talk, or in amufement of any kind*
*' He occaiionally received two hundred guefts
*' at his table; amongft whom were Bifhops^
** Dukes, and Earls; yet the dinner was always
*' over within the hour. Himfelf feldom tafted
**. wine ; and when he was near feventy, he
** drank, an4 that very moderately, a weak
** liquor which the Englifh call Beer. Though
*' fo fparing in his diet, he was always cheerful
^' and
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112 ARCHBISHOP WARHAM.
^ and lively in his converfation ; and both be^
^^ fore and after dinner, preferred the fame
^* fobriety of behaviour. He joked himfelf, but
^ vi^ith great pleafantry, and . permitted it in
f^ others; yet he. never allowed his jofees, or
^^ thofe of his friends, to defcend into perfon-
f^. ality and detradion, which he abljorred as
^^ much a3 any man can deteft a ferpeUt, One
^f peculiarity he had which was fomething royal j
^' he never difmifled any fuitor from liim (Jiflatifi^
f^ fied or out of humour/'
THOMAS piTKE OF NORFOLK,
in fpite of all his fubmiflions, joined with th^
great merits of his pafl ferVices, would moft pro-
bably have been executed, had not4:he death of
Henry referved him for more merciful times.
One of the Articles brought againft the Duke?
was, that he had complained to a Mr. Holland^
that he was not of the Cabinet, (or as he terme4
Jt, the Privy Council) that his Majefty love4
him not becaufe he was too nauch loved in the
country ; and that he would follow his fiather*^
^effon, which was, that the lefs opinion other^
fet by him, the more he would fet by himfplf.
h
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THOMAS DUKJE OF HOS.FOLK. HJ
In his pctitioa to the Lords from the Tower of
London^ he requdOts to have fome of the hooks
that are at Lambeth ;- *^ for/* adds he, ** unlef^
^^ I have books to read ere I fall ^eep, and after
^' I awake agam, J cannot fleep, nor have done
*^ tl^e dozen years, That I may hear mafs,
^^ and be bound upon my life pot to ^eak tq
^^ hkn who fays mafs, which he may do in tb^
^* other chambier, whilft J remain within* TT^a^
*' I may be allowed fheets to lie on j to have K-f
^^ cence in the day-time to walk in the chamber
^^ without, and in the night be locked in as I dm
^* jxow. J woujd gladly have Ucencie tp fend to
^^ London to buy pne book of St. Auftin d0
^^ CwjtaU Deif and one of Jofephus de Antiquif
^^ iatibtis^ and another of SabelliuSp who dotl^
^' declare, moft of ^y book that I have rcad^
^* how the 5;ihop of Rome, from time to time^
^* hath jofurped his power againfl^ alj Priijices by
^^ iheir isAwife fuffer^nce.'-
JOHN HPYWOODf
** The following hapned,'^ fays Puttenham,
*^* on a time at the D^ke oi Northumberland's
^* board, where mierry John Heywood wa$ al?»
.** lowed to fit, at the board's end; The Duke
^ Jiad a very noble and honourable mynde ^-
ypL. I. X " wayef
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114 JOHN HEY WOOD.
«« wayes to pay his debts well ; and when he
*^ lacked money, would not (lick to fell the
^* greateft part of his plate: fo had he done
*' fome few days before.
<* Heywood being loth to call for his drinke fo
*^ oft as he was dry, turned his eye towards the
** cupboard, and faid, I find a great miffe of
** your Grace^s ftanding cups. The Duke,
** thinking he had fpoken it of fome knowledge
** that his plate was lately fold, faid fomewhat
*^ iharply, Why, Sir, will not thefe cuppes
^* ferve as goode a man as yourfelfe ? Heywood
*« readily replied. Yes, if it pleafe your Grace j
** but I would have one of them ftand ftill at my
" elbowe, fuU of drinke, that I might not be
^' driven to trouble your man fo often to call for
*' it. This pleafant and fpeedy revers of the
^ former words,** fays Puttenham, ^' holpe all
^* the matter againe } whereupon the Duke be-
*' came very plealant, and dranke a bottle of
*' wine to Heywood, and bid a cup Ihould g}»
*^ ways be ftanding by him.**
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L i^5 3
EDWARD THE SIXTH.
In the Britife Mufeum there is a la^ge folio
yolume ii^ IVJS. of the exercifes of this excellent
^Prince, in Greeks in Latin, and in Englifli, with
Jiis fign^tijre to each of jhem^ a? King of
England, in the three different languages. Ed-*
ward's abilities, acquirements, and difpolition
were fo tranfcendent, that they extorted an eulo-
gium upon them from the cynic Cardan himfelf,
who, in his once-celebrated book " De Geni^
^* turSs" thus defcrib^s the young Prince, with
yrhom he .had feyeral converfations upon the fub-
jefts of fpme of his books, particularly on ths^t
** De Rerum Varietate :''— " Th^ child was fp
^^ wonderful in this refpeft, that at the" age of
^^ fifteen he ha4 Je^rnefij as I was told, feven dif-
f * ferent languages. In that of hi§ own country^
*' that of Frajice, and the I^atin language, he
*' was perfeft. In the converfations that I had
*^ with him (when he was only fifteen years of
^* age) ^he fpoke Latin with as much rea4inefs
^* an4 elegance as myfelf. He was a pretty good
** logician, he underftood natural philofophy
** and mufic, and played upon the lute. The
^^ good and the learned had formed the higheft
f^ £xpeftatj[ons of him, from the fweetnefs of his
iz " difpofition
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V
Il6 EDWARD tHE SIXTH.
** difpofition and the excellence of his talents*
** He ha3 begun to favour learning before he
*' was a great fcholar himfelf, and to be ac-
** quainted with it before he could make ufe of itr
*^ Alas the wretched ftate of mortals ! not only
^' England, but the whole world has to lament;
•* his being taken from us fo prematurely. We
*^ 6wed much to him as it was, but alas ! how
<^ much more was taken away from us by the
'^^ artifice and malignity of mankind. Alas !
** how prophetically did he once repeat to me,
* Immedicis brevis eft atas^H rarafeneBus!
*•* Ahs ! he could only exhibit a fpecimen, not
** a pattern, of virtue. When there was occa-
<* fion for this Prince to affume th^ King, he
^* appeared as gyave as an old man, though at
*^ other times he had the manners and befe^our
"** of his own age. He attended to the bufinefs
^* of the State, and he was liberal like his Father,
"** who, whilft he affefted that charafter, gave
*« into the extreme of it. The fon, however,
«* had never the fhadow of a fault about him ;
** he had cultivated his mind by the precepts of
^' philofophy.'"
Fuller, in his ^* Worthies,*' has preferved the
following letter of this Prince, addreffed to Mn
Barnaby Fitzpatrick, Gentleman of his Bed.-
4 chamber,
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diambar, and who had been brought up with
bun» It e;}cbibits a fpecimen ao lefs of the fweet-
ipbefs of his temper^ than of the excellence of his
underilanding.
*• EDWARD,
** We have received your letters of the eighth
** of this prefent moneth, whereby we underftand
** how you are well entertained, for which we
^* are right glad ; and alfoe how you have been
** once to goe on pilgrimage ; for which caufe
*' we have thought good to advertize you, that
^^ hereafter, if any fuch chance happen, you Ihall
** defire leave to go to Mr. Hckering, or to
** Paris for your bufinefs : and if that will not
*' ferve, to declare to fome man of eftimation,
** with whom you are beft acquainted, that as
^^ you are loth to offend the^ French King be-
*' caufe you have been fo favourably ufed, fo
*^ with fafe c6nfcience you cannot dp any fuch
*^ thing, being brought up with me, and bound
** to obey my laws ; alfo, that you had com-
** mandment from me to the contrary. Yet, if
^* you be vehemently procured, you may go aa
•* waiting on the King, not as intending to the
** abufe, nor willingly feeing the ceremonies, and
^* fo yovr look on the maffe. But in the mean
^^ feafon regard the Scripture, or fome good
^^ book, and give no reverence to, the mafle at
X 3 ^' all
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ii8 ficwAtiD THE sixth;
cc
all. Furthermore, remember when yoii may
** conveniently be abfentc from court, to tarry
•^ with Sir William Pickering, to be inftrufted
^' by him how to ufe yourfelf. For women, as
** far forth as you may, avoid their company:
** yet, if the trench King command you, yoii
*' may fometime dance (fo meafure be your
^' meane); elfe apply yourfelf to riding, fhooting,
** tennis, or fuch honeft games, not forgetting
*' fometimes (when you have leifure) your learn-
^* ing, chiefly reading of the Scriptures. This I
** write hot doubting but you would have done,
^* though t had not written but to fpiir you on.
'* Your exchange of 1200 crowns you fiiall re-
** ceive either monthly or quarterly, by Bartho-
^^ lomew Campaigners faftor in Paris, tie hath
** warrant to receive it by, here, and hath writ-
*' ten to his faftors to deliver it you there. We
*^ have figned your bill for wages of the Cham-
*' ber, which Fitzwilliam's hath. Likewife we
*' have fent a letter into Ireland, to our Deputy,
** that he fhall take furrender of your father's
*^ lands ; and to make again other letters patent
" that thofe lands fliall be to him, you, and
** your heirs, lawfully begotten, for ever ; ad-
** joyning thereunto two religious houfes you
** fpake for. Thus fare you well ! From Weft-
^« ftiinflcr, the 20 of December 1551.**
The
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The following refpefUuI and elegant little
Latin letter of }iis to one of his Mothers-in-law,
Is in the Britifh Mufeum.^
*^ Fortafle miraberis me tarn faep^ ad te fcri-
^* here, idque tarn brevi tempore, Regina nobi-
** liflima, et mihi chariffima, fed eadem ratione
** potes mirari me erga te ofBdum &cere. Hoc
" autem nunc fecio libentius, quia eft mihi ido*
** neus fervus tuus, et ide5 non potior non dare
** ad te literas ad folvendum ftudium erga te*
** Optime valeas, Regina Nobiliffima,
*' Hunfdona, vicef, quarto Maii,
" Tibi obfequentiffimus filing
" Edvardus Princeps*
*^ lUuftriifimae Reginae
, ^* Matri meae."
The order for the Coronation of King Edward
in the book of the Council is as follows :
" The Archbifhop of Canterbury fhall {hew
*^ the King to the pe6ple at four parts of the
*^ great pulpit or ftage to be made for the King j
** and (hall fay, Sirs, here I prefent King Ed-
*' ward, rightful and undoubted inheritor by the
** laws of God and man to the royal dignity and
** crown imperial of this realm ; whofe confe*-
*' cration, inunftion, and coronation is appointed
" by all tbe Nobles and Peers of this land to be
" this day. Will ye ferve at this time, and give
14 •* your
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^^ your good wills and confents to the feme con^
*^ fccration^ihunfUon, and coronation, as by your
*^ duty and allegiance ye be boiind to do ? Thd
^* people to jurfwer, Yca^ yea^ yea j Kmg Edward^
King Edward !
€€
** All tilings bemg prepared for the corona-
** don, the King, being then nine years old,
•^ pafied through the city of London, as hath
^* heretofore been ufed, and came to the palace of
*^ Weftminfter j on the next day eame,to Weft-
*^ minfter Hall; and it was alked* the people^
** whether they would have him to be King;
*' who anfweredj Yea^ yea. Then he was
** crowned King of England, France^ and Ire«»
** land, by the ATchbifhop of Canterbury/*
The ceremony of sdking the confent of this
people at the coronation of the Sovereign, ap^
pears to |iavc been difcontinued after the -reign
bf Edward the Sixth. In France j according to
Duclos, it was left off at the Coronation of Louis
the Fifteenth*
This excellent Prince kept a diary of his fife^ .
which is preferved by Blihop Burnet at the end
♦ Firft Diary of King Edward the Sixths written bjr
himfclf*
of
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EDWARD TftB i81XTH# Jit
of his Ififtory of the Reformation* Some ex^
tnSts from it are here given**
Manb 31, 1549. •« A challenge made by
*^ me, that I, with fixteen of my chamber; iBiould
** nm at bafe, flioot, and run at the ring, with
** any feventeen of my gentlemen in the court/*
•
April I. " The firft day of the challenge at
*^ bafe, or runnnig, the King won/
9f
Juguji I. ^^ Mr. Cook, Matter of Requeftsj
** and certain other Lawyers, were appointed to
*^ make a fliort table of the Laws and Ads that
/* were not wholly unprofitable, and prefent it
" to the Board/'
March 18, i5j;o. " The Lady Mary, my
*« fifter, came to me at Weftminfter; where,
*^ after falutations, fhe was called with my
** Council into a chamber, where was declared
" how long I had fuffered her Mafs, in hope of
** her reconciliation J and now being no hope,
" which I perceivea by her letters, except I faw
" fome fhort amendment, I could not bear it*
** She anfwered, that heir foul was God's, and
♦ Edward wat fo fond of His inftrudors, that when hh
IxAoT, Sir John Gheke, was ill, he prayed to God to grant
ham his life ; and the grateful and pious Prince imagined
that his petition had been grafted.
'' her
'A
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122 BDWARD THE SIXTH*
•* her faith fbe fhould not change, nor diffembfe
** her opinion with cojutrary doings. It was faid^
** I conftrained not her feith, but willed her,
*^ not as a King to rule, but as a fubjeft to obey,
*' and that her example might breed inconveni*
ence/*
19. *^ The Emperor's Ambaffador came in
«* with a fhort meffage from his matter, of war,
*^ if I would not fuffer his coufin, the Princefs,
*^ to ufe her Mafsi To this no anfwer was
" given.'*
^6. ^' The JBifhops of Canterbury, London,
** and Rochefter, did confider to give licence to
*^ fin, was fin. To fuffer and wink at it for a
*^ time might be borne, fo all poffible hafte might
*^ be ufed."
i5. '^ iTie French Ambafladors faiv the
*^ baiting of the bulls and bears."
27. " The Ambaffadors, after they had
*V hunted, fat with me at fupper.'*
29. " The Ambaffadors had a fair fupper
*« made them by the Duke of Somerfet, artd
** afterwards went to the Thames, where they
** faw both the bear hunted in the river, and
*' the
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EDWARD THE SIXTH. 123
** the wild-fire caft out of the boats, and many
*' pretty conceits/'
June 15* " The Duke of Somerfet with five
^* others of the Cbundl.jvent to the Bifhop of
** Winchefter, to whom he made this anfwert
*' I having deliberately feen the Book of Com-
** mon Prayer, (although I would not have made
•^ it fo mylelf,) yet I find fuch things in it as
*^ fatisfieth my confcience, and therefore I will
^* both execute it myf^^lf, and alfo fee others, my
*^ parifhioners, to execute it/'
20. " The Mayor of London caufed the
*' watches to be encreafed every night, becaufe
^^ of the great frays ; and alfo one Alderman to
*' fee good rule every night/'
22. ^ There was a privy fearch made through
** all Suffex, for all vagabonds, gypfies^ con*
«* fpirators, prophefyers, all players, and fuch
'^Vlike.^'
* Odlober 19. " Sir Thomas Palmer confeffed
^' that the Gehdarms (Gms d^ Amies J on the
•* mufter-day Ihould be affaulted by two thou-*
**^. fand footmen of Mr. Vane's, and my Lord's
" (Lord Gray's) hundred horfe, befides his
** friends that flood by, and the idle people
*' which
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t1t4 UPWARD TBE SIZTR.
** irfiich todc Us part. If he were ovcrdirowii
^ he would run through Xx>ndon9 and cry
•* Liberty^ liberty, to i^e the apprentices, &c.**
foNG Edward's ^^ Journal^'* printed inihe
Second Volume of Burnet's Hifiory of the
Reformation
The Biftiop has Ekewife added a Difcourfe
about the Reformation of many Abufes, written
by this incomparable Prince, in which he fays^
•* As the gentlemen and ferving*men ought to
^ be provided for, fo neither ought they to have
** fo much as they have in France, where the
^ peafantty is of no value; neither yet meddle
^ in other occupations, for the arms and legsi
^ doth* neither yet draw the whole blood from
^ the liver, but leaveth it fufEcient to work on ;
*^ neither doth meddle in any kind of engender*
*• ing of blood J tio, nor no one part of the body
^ doth fcrve for two occupations : even fo nd-
•* ther the gentleman aught to be a farmer, nor
** the merchant an artificer, but to have his art
^ particularly. Furthermore, as no member in a
^ well-proportioned body and whole body, h
♦* too big f6r the proportion of the body ; fo
^ muft there be in a well-proportioned Com*
•^ monwealth nopeffon that fhall have more than
^ the proportion of the country will bear, for 11
^ is hurtful immoderately to enrich any particular
" part*
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EDWAUD THE SIXTH. II5
«* part. 1 think this country can bear no merchant
^« to have more land than one hundred pounds;
^^ DO hntbandman or farmer worth above one
^^ hundred or two hundred pounds ; no artificer
^^ above one hundred marks } no labourer much
^^ more than he fpendeth* I ipeak now gene*
^^ rally, and in fuch cafes may £ail in one parti^i
^ cular i but this is fure, this Commonwealth
^^ may not bear one man to have more than two
^ £arms, than one benefice, than two thouiand
*^ fheep, and one kind of art to live by/'
" For idle perfons, there were never, I think,
^ more than be now. The wars men think i$
^^ the caufe thereof. Such perfi^ns can do no*
^^ thing but rob and fteaL But flack execution
** of the laws hath been the chiefeft fore of all ;
^' the laws have been majiifeftly broken, the
** offenders baniflied, and either by bribery or
** fooliih pity elcape punifhment^"
** Thefe fores muft be cure^ with medicines,
^ Firft, by good education j for Horace (ayeth
^ wifely,
^0 femel tft imbuta r teens ^ firvabit o(bnm
« Witb
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•^ With whatfoever thing the new veflel h im-f
•* bued, it will long keep its favour, faith Ho-*
^^ race j meaning, that for the moft part men be
*^ as they are brought up*, and men keep
*^ longeft the favour of their firft bringing up }
^ therefore, feeing that it be fo neceflary a thing,
^ we will give our device thereupon. Youth
*^ muft be brought up, fome to hufbandry, foitie
*^ in working, graving, gilding, joining, painting,
*^ making of cloaths, even from their tendereft
*^ age, to the intent they may not, when they
^^ come to man's eftate, loiter as they do now*
^* a-days in negleft, but think their travail fweet
** and honeft. This fliall well eafe and remedy
*^ the deceitful workings of things, difobedience
^* pf the loweft fort, calling of feditious biUs^
^^ and will clearly tdce away the idlenefs of the
♦« people/-
* By a law of Solon, the Legiflator of Athens, a ch3d
who, by the careleffhefs or the over-tenderaefs of his parents,
fvas brought up to no trade or profeffion, was not oblige4
to fupport his parents when they were old or in want ; the
LegiOator wifely confidering habitual idlenefs not onjy in
ufelf to b^ criminal, but to be the caufe pf the greatcft
crimes that are conimitted, and that thofe perfons fhould be
completely put out of the protedtion of the laws, who haye
been the occafion of that detellable and dangerous vice in
$be rifin^ gepef?tiop^
^^ Secondly,
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EDWARD THK SIXTH* ' 1 27
** Secondly, By deviling of good laws. I
^ have Ihewed my opinion heretofore what fta-
**, tutes I think moft neceffary to be enaSed this
*' feffions ; neverthelefs I could wifli, that befide
*^ them, hereafter (when time fhall ferve) the
** fuperfluous and tedious ftatutes were brought
*' into one fum together, and made more plain.
<^ N^erthelefs, when aH thefe laws be made,
*^ eftablifhed, and enafted, they ferve tp no pur-
*' pofe, except they be ftiUy and duly executed.
** By Whom ? By thofe that have authority to
^' execute; that is to fay, the Noblemen and
^' the Juftkes of Peace ; therefore I would wifli,
*' that after this Parliament were ended, thofe
*' Noblemen (except a few that Ihould be with
*' me) went to their countries, and there ihould
^' fee tjie ftatutes fully and duly executed j ;Mid
^* that thofe men fhojild be put from being Juf-
*' tices of Peace that be touched or blotted witft
*^ thofe vices that be againft thefe new laws tp
** be eftabliftied: for no man jthat is in fault
^« lumfqlf can pupilh anpther for tjje fame of-
" fence:
Turpe eft doBori^ cum culpa redarguit ipfum..
Shamelefs the teacher, who.himfelf is faulty.
^* And thefe Juftices being put out, there is no
^ doubt of the execution of .the laws/'
Defunt Catera.
" King Edward's Remains/'
Hooker
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«8 MARY.
Hooker feys of this Prince, " that thouglv
^^ he died young he live4 long, for lifq is in
MART.
[1553—1558-]
The Engliffi feeni early in their hiftory t0
fi^ve made pretty free with the defeds and fail*^
ings of their Sovereigns* M. de Noaillejs, in W$
♦' Embaffades/' tells us, that when Mary gave
out that fhe was pregnant, the following paper
was ftuck up ;at her palace-gate;
*^ Serons nous fi betes, O nobles Anglois,
f* que de croyre notre Reyne enceinte, & de
^^ quoi le feroit elle, finon d'un Marmot ou
^^d'unDoguer
Mary, till her mj^rriage with that cold and in-^
Jiuman tyrant Philip the Second, appears to have
been merciful and humane; for Holinfliead tells
us, that when fhe appointed Sir Richard Morgan
Chief Juftice of the Common Pleas, ihe told him,
♦* that notwithftanding the old error ^ which did
♦^ not admit any wltnefs to fpeak, or any other
^ matter tp be beard, (Her Majefty being party,)
^« her
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MARY, 12^
*< her pleafure was, that whatfocver could be
^* brought in favour of the fubjeft fhould be ad-
*' mitted to be heard; and moreover, that the
** Juftices fhould not perfuade themfelves to put
** in judgment otherwife for Her Highnefs than
« for her fubjea/*
The turn of the EpgUfh nation for humofou|
Political Prints firfl fhewed itfelf in this reign.
An engraving was publifhed, reprefenting this
C^een extremely thin, with many Spaniards
hanging to her and fucking her to the bone.
LADY JANE GREY.
Roger Ascham, who was Queen Elizabeth's
fchoolmafler, thus defcribes this pattern of every
female excellence, in a letter of his to a friend.
" Ariflotle's praife of women is perfefted in
** her. She pofleffes. good-manners, prudence,
^ and a love of labour : fhe pofTefles every talent
^^ without the leafl weaknefs of her fex: fhe
" fpeaks French and Italian as well as fhe does
** Englifh: fhe writes readily and with pro-
" priety : fhe has more than once, if yoU' will
" believe me, fpokeh Gre^ to me.'*
VOL. I. K Her
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130 LADY JANE GREY.,
Her proficiency in learning is again mentioned
by the fomc writer, in his Schoolmafter.
** And one example, whether love or feare
*^ doth worke more in a childe for vertue and
*^ leaminge, I will gladlie report; which male be
** heard with fome pleafure, and folowed with
^* more profit. Before I went, into Germanic,
^ I came to Brodegate, in Leicefterfhire, to take
** my leave of that noble Lady Jane Grey, to
/*' whom I was exceeding much beholdmge.
*' Her parentes, the Duke and the Duchcs, with
*' all the houfhould, gentlemen and gentle-
*' women, were hunting in the parke. I found.
*' her in her chamber readinge Phadon Platonis
** in Greeke, and that with as much delite as
** fome jentlemen would reade a merie tale in
** Bocafe. After falutation and dewtie done,
** with fome other taulke, I afked her why fhe
** would leefe fuch paftime in the parke. Smil-
^* ing, fhe anfwered me, I wifle all their fport in
*^ the parke is but a fliadoe to that pleafure that
**. I find in Plato. Alas, good folke, they never
*' fdt what trcwc pleafure ment. And howe
** came you, Madame, quoth I, to this deepe
^^ knowledge of pleafure? And what did chieflie
*^ allure you unto it, feeinge not many women,
*' but. verie fewe men have attained thereunto.
^ --—-I will tell yop^, quoth fte^ and tell you a
^ truths which perchance you will marvell at.
. .«« One
/
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<c
LADY JANE GREY. 13!
*« One of thj grea(;eft benefites that ever God
^« gave me is, that he fent me fo (harpe and
** fevere parentes, and fo jentle a fcholemafter :
*' for when m prefence eyther of father or mo-
** ther, whether I fpeake, kepe filence, fit^
*' ftand, or go, eate, drinke, be merrie or fad,
*' be fowying, playing, daundng, or doing anie
*^ thing elfe, I muft do it, as it were, in fuch
*' weighty meafure, and number, even fo 'per-
*' fiteHe as God made the world, or elfe I am fo
iharplie taunted, fo cruellie threatened, yea
prefentlie, fometimes with pinches, nippes,
*' and bobbes, and other waies, which I will
*' not name for the honour I bear them, fo
^' without meafure miforder'd, that I thincke
^* myfelfe in hell, till time come that I muft go
** to Mr. Elmer, who teacheth me fo jentlie, fo
^' pleafantlie, with fuch fair allurementes to
^' l^rninge, that I thinke all the time nothinge
*^ whiles I am with him ; and when I am called
*' from him, I fall on weeping, becaufe whatfo-
*' ever I do els but learning is full of grief,
*' trouble, feare, and whole mifliking unto mee.
** And thus my booke hath been fo much my
" pleafure, and bringeth dayly to me more plea*
•* fure and more, that in refpeft of it all other
** pleafures in very deede be but triffles and
Irpubles unto me.
»
K 2 *^ I re-
€€
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132 LADY jANJi GkEY.
** rremcmber this taulke gladly, both becaufe
** it IS fo worthie of memorie, and becaufe alfo
^ it was the laft taulkd that ever I had, and the
^« laft tyme that ever I faw that noble and wor-
"thieladie."
Lady^ Jane Grey, on paflmg the Akar of a
Roman CathoKc Chapel oite day with Lady
Whartoii^ ^id obferving her to make a low
courtefy to it, alked her whether the Lady Mary
were there, or not. ** Na,*' replied Lady Whar-
ton, " but I maiic a courtefy to Him who m^e
<« lis all."— ^* How c^ He be there,** faid Lady
Jane Grey, '* who. made us all, and the Baker
« made kiiii?" This anfwer coming to thie Lady
Mary's (ifterwards Queen of England) ears, flie
did never Jove her after.
When the Lieutenant of the Tower was lead-
ing her to the fcaffbld, he requefted her to give
trim fome little thing whidh he niight keep as a
prefent. Sfee gave him her TaWe-book, where
(he had juft written three fentences on feeing her
hufband's headlefs body carried back to the
Tower J one in Greek, one in Latin, and another
in Engfifli.
" The Greek," fays HeyKn, *«^ was to this
<^ effed : That if her hulband's executed body
4 « Ihould
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hADY JANJE OBLEY^ I.33.
<* fliould give teftimony ag^ft hft before men,
<< l]il$ moit blefled foul £bpuld give an eternat
** teftimony of her innocence in the prefe»qe of
** God. The Latin added, that human jufticc
<« was againft his body, but the Divine Mercy
** fliduld be for his foul; and then concluded
" thus in Englifli : that if her ^It defcrved
" punifliment, her youth at leaft and her im-
** prudence were woxtby. of excufe, and that
^^ God and pofterity would fliew her favour/'
^' She had before,** adds Peylin, ** received
** th? offer of the Crown with as even a temper
*• ,z^ if it had been a garland of d<iWers, and
*^ now fhe lays ^fide the thought thereof with
** as muqh contentednefs as fhe could have
*^. thrown away that garland when the fcent was
*^ goi^e.' The time of her glories wa^ fo fhort,
*' but a mne days work, that it feemed nothing
** but a dream, out of which flie was not forry
,*' to be awakened. The Tower had been to
** her a prifon rather than a court, and inter-
*^ rupted the delights of her former life by fo
*' many terrors, that no day paffed wdthout fome
^* new alarms to difturb her quiet. She doth
^ now know the worft that fortune can do unto
** her ; and having always feared that there ftood
** a fcaffold fecretly behind the throne, fhe was
*' as readily prepared to aft hier part upon the
** one as upon the other.'*
K3 On
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134 LADY JANE GREY*
On the wall of the room in which ihe waa
imprifoned m the Tower, flie wrote with a pin
thefe lines :
Non aliena putis homini qua ebingere pojfuni^
Sors hodierna mihi eras erit ilia tibu
To mortals' common fate thy mind refign.
My lot to-day, to-morrow may be thine.
SIR JAMES HALES.
By the kindnefs of Edmund Turnor, Esq^
the Compiler is enabled to enrich his Volumes
with the following account of a Dialogue which
pafled between Sir James Hales and the Lord
Chancellor Bilhop Gardiner in Weftminfter-Hall.
Sir James was a very exemplary Judge in the
time of King Edward the Sixth, and honeftly gave
his opinion in favour of Queen Mary's' fuc-
ceflion ; but, not favouring that (^een's par-
tiality to the Catholic religion, he was removed
from his employment early in her reign. The
Dialogue is printed from a fcarce pamphlet, and
is intitled,
*' THE COMMVNICATION BETWENE MY LORD
*' chauncelor and iudge hajles, being
" among other judges to take his
*' oth in westminster hall.
*• anno. m.d.lhi. vi. of october.
" CHAUN-
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SIR JAMES HALES. 1^5
** CHAUNCELOR. HALES.
^ Mafter Hales, ye Ihall vnderftand that -like
** as the Quenes Highnes hath hertofore receixiid
** good opinion of you, efpeciallie, for that ye
*^ ftoode both ftuthfulUe and laufuUi in hir caufe
** of iuft fucceffion, refufing to fet your hahde
*• to the booke amonge others that were againft
** hir Grace in that behalfe : fo nowe through
** your owne late defertes : againft certain hir
*' Highnes dooinges : ye ftande not well in hir
f' Graces fauour. Anid therfor, before ye take
^* anie othe, it dial be neceflarie for you to make
ybiir purgation.
" HALES.
" I praie you my Lorde, what is the caufe ?
** CHAUNCELOR.
** Informatio is geuen that ye haue indifted
certain priftes in Kent, for faiing of Maffe.
u
€C
^^ HALES.' . ' : •'
** Mi Lorde it is not fo. I indided none, but
*^ in dede certaine indi£lamentes of like matter
*' wer brought before me at the lafte aififes there
** holde, and I gaue order therein as the lawe re-
" quired. For I haue profeffed the law, againft
<* which, in cafes of iuftice wil I neuer (God!
" willinge) procede, nor in ani wife difiemblej
K4 f* but
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i^6 «m JAMIS HAIE«.
" but with the fame fhewe forth mi confciencc,
** and if it were to do againe, I wplde doe no
« leffe then I did.
*^ CHAUNCELOR.
f ' Yea mafter Hales, your cSfience is knownc
•* wel inough* I know ye lacke iio coidciezice^
** HALES*
■ ^
** Mi Lord) ye mai dp wel to ferch your owne
*f confdence, for mine is better knowne to nrie
*^ felfe then to you, and to be plaihe, I did iafweU
*' vfe iuftice in your faide Maffe cafe bi nd
*' cofcience as bi the law, wherin I am fulli bent
*' to ftand in trial to the rttermoft that can be
«« pbi^fted. And if I tiaue therin doqe jm iniuri
<« or wr5g : let me be iudged bi the lawe, for I
*' will feeke no better defence, confidering chiefli
** that itis mi profeffion.
" CHAUNCELOR.
** Whi mafter Hales, altlioughe ye had the
*' Tigour of the law on your fide, yet ye might
** haue hadde regard to the Queues Highnes pre-
^' IBt doinges in that cafe. And further although
" ye feme to be more then pre^ife in the lawe :
** yet I thihke ye woldc be veri loth to yclde to
** tlie extremitie of fuche aduantage as mighte be
** gathered againfte your proceedinges in the
** lawe.
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$IR JAM1S$ HAMS. 1^7
** lawe, as ye haue fpiue tunft taken vppon you in
" place of iuftice. And if it were well tried, I
*' beleue ye fliuld not be wel able to ftand ho-
" ndUi Aerto.
** HALES.
** Mi Lord i am not fo perfeft but i mai erre
*' for Ijicke of knowledge. But both in con-
" fience & fuch knoledge of the law as God
•* hath geue me, i wil do nothing but i wil
" maintain and abide in it. And if mi goodes
** and all that I haue be not able to counterpaifc
•* the cafe : mi bodie fhal be redi to ferue the
««^urne, for thei be all at the Queues Highnefle
** pleafure.
" CHAUNCELOR.
« Ah fir, ye be veri quicke & ftoute in your
" anfwers. But as it ihoulde feme, that which
" ye did was more pf a will, feuouring the opi-
^« ^ion of your Religion againft the Seniice
*^ now^ vftd, then for ani occafip or zcalc of
" iuftice, fein^e the Q^^nes Highnes dooth fet
" it furthe, as yet wifhinge all hir faithful fub-
" ieftes to imbrace it ^ccordingli : & where ye
" offer both bodie and goodes in your trjall,
<* there is no fuch matter required at your^
<• handes, and yet ye fli^U not haue your owne
** will neither.
*' HALESt
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t^B SIR JAMES HALES.
•* HALES.
** My Lord, I feke not wilful will, but to Ihew
** my felf as i am bound in loue to God, and
** obedience to the Queues Maieftie, in whofe
** caufewillingly for iuftice fake (al other relpeftes
*^ fet apart) i did of late (as your Lordfhip
*^ knoeth) aduenture as much as i had. And
^* as for my religion, i truft it to ,be fuchc as
*^ pleafeth God, wherin i am redy to aduenture
*• afwell my life as my fubftauce, if i be called
" therunto. And fo in lacke of mine owne
•^ power ad wil, the Lordes wil be fulfilled*
" CHAUNCELOR.
** Seing ye be at this point Matter Hales, i
** wil prefently make an end with you. The
** Queues Hlghnes^lhal be enfourmed of youre
*^ opinion, and declaration. And as hir Grace
*' Ihall therupon determine, ye fhall haue kno-
** ledge, vntil whiche tyme ye may depart, as ye
** came without your oth, for as it appeareth,
*^ ye ar fcarfe worthi the place appointed.
" HALES.
'* I thancke your Lordfhip, and as for my
** vocation, being both a burthen and a charge,
*^ more than cuer i defired to take vpon me,
" whenfoeuer it fhal pleafe the Queues Highnes
*« to
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SIR NICHOLAS THfUOCKMbRTON. I39
^ to eafc mc thereof: i fbsil mooft humbli with
^ due contentatlon obei the fame.
*< And fo departed from
*« the barre."
Sik NICHOLAS THROCKMORTON
was arraigned for high treafori before the Lord
Mayor of London and fome of the principal no-
bility and Judges of the realm, for being con-
cemed in Sir Thomas Wyatt's rebellion. The
jury, however, acquitted him, againft the plea-
fure of the Judges, and in fpite of their menaces.
They were all imprifoned for this terrible offence:
fome of them were fined, and. paid 500 marks
a-piece, according to Stowe; the reft were fined
fmaller fums, and^ after their difcharge from con*
finement, ordered to attend the Council- table at
a DMnute^s warning.
" In one of the trials about this time,*' fays
Fuller, ** the following occurrence took pl^ce :
** A perfon tried for treafon, as the jury were
*^ about to leave the bar, requefted them to con-
** fider a ftatute which he thought made very
'* much for him. Sirrah, cried out one of the
*^ Judges, I know that ftatute better than you
" do.
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149 ^i£N Ef^^ZABETH.
«/ *4o; The prifon^r coolly replied^ I make .no
** doubt, Sir,>ut %t you 4o know it betta'
** than I do ; I am only anxious that the Jury
** ihould know it as well/*
^ . .[1558— 1603.]
The following ferrfle letter j&xMn this Queen,
then the Princeis Elizabeth, to Queen Mary, on
fending the latter her portrait, is in the ColledioB
of Royal Letters in the Britifh Mufcum.
«^ PBLINCESS ELIZABETH TO Qp^EN MARY.
*^ Lilce as the riche man, that dayly gathereth
^^ notes to notes, suid to one bag of mo^ey
^^ layeth a great ITort, till it come to infinit, fo
*^ methinks your Majefty, not being fufEced
** with many benefits and gentlenefs, (hewed to
** me afore this time, doth now increfe them in
^ alking & defyring, (when you may bid &
^ commande,) requirihg a thinge, not worthy
** the defyring for itfelfe, but made worthy for
** your Highnefe reqijicft : my pi&ure I mene ;
*' in wiche if the inward good will towarde
** your Grace might as wel be declared as the
^^ outfide face and countenance fhal be ieen, I
" wold
1
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QpfiENf ELIZABETH* . l^V
** wold ttot have tarried the commandment, but
*^ prevent it, nor have been the laft to graunt
" but the firft to oflFcr it. For the fece I
<« graunt, I might wel biufhe to offer, but the
"*« mynde I fhal never be afliamed to prefente :
** for though from the grace of the pidur the
^ coulors may fode by time, may give by wether,
** may be fpotted by chance ; yet the other not
^ time with her fwift winges (hall overtake^ nor
** the muftie cloudes with their lowerings may
** darken, nor chance with her flippery foote may
** overthrow. Of this although yet the prife
^ could not be greate, becanfe the occafiofi
<^ hathe bebtie but fmall ; notwithflanding, as a
^^ dog hathe a day, fo I perchance may have
** time to declare it in deedes when now I do
** write them but in wordej. A|||^rther^ I
** fhall moft humbly befeeche youflMajeftie, that
** when you fhall looke on my piftur, you will
** vitfafe to thinke, that as you have but the out-
" ward (hadowe of the body afore you, fo my in*
** ward mynde wifheth that the body itfelfe were
** oftene in your prefencet howbeit becaufe both
*' my fo beinge I thinke could do your Majeftie
** Htel pleafure, though myfelfe great good ; &
*^ againe, becaufe I fee as yet not the time agrees
** therewith ; I fhall learn to fdlowe this fairig
** of Orace: Feras non culpes quod vitari non
^* patejl. And then I will (trublinge your Ma-
" jeftie I fere) ende with my mofl humble
" thankes^
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142 QUE£N ELIZABETH*
" thankes, befechinge God long to prcfcfve you
** to his honour, to your comfort, & to the
^^ realms profitt & to my joy.
" From Hatfelde this i8th day of May*
" Your Majeftie's moft humbly
** Sifter and Servant
" Elizabeth.'^
Of the extent of Queen Elizabeth's abilities,
the following teftimony was given by her Trea-
furer Lord Burleigh.
" No one of her Councillors could tell her
** what fhe knew not j and when her Council
« had faid all they could, fhe could find out a
•* wife counfel beyond theirs ; and thus there
•• never was anie great confultation about her
•* country at which fhe was not prefent to her
** great profitte and prayfe."
Scot, in his " Philomathologiaj* fays, •^ that
*^ a Courtier, who had great place about her
** Majeftie, made fuite for an ofHce belonging to
** the law. Shee told him he was unfitt for the
** place. He confefTed as much, but promifed
*^ to find out a fuffident deputy. . Do fo, faith
** fhe, and then I may beftow it upon one of my
" ladies ; for they, by deputation, may execute
" the office of Chancellor, Chief Juflice,^ and
** others, as well as you. This (faid the author)
** anfwered him : and (adds he) I would that it
*' would
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QUEEN ELIZABETH* 1 43
** would anfwer all others, that fit men might be
** placed in every office, and none, how great
•* foever, fuflfered to keep two/'
<c
€C
I find," fays Puttenham, " none example
in Englifli metre fo well maintayning this
figure (Exargqfia^ or the Gorgeous) as that
dutie of her Majeftie Queen Elizabeth's own
^^ making, paifing fweete and harmonical; which
** figure being, as his very original name pur-
" porteth, the moft beautiful and gorgeous of all
** others, it alketh in reafon to be referved for a
*^ laft compliment, and difchiphred by the arte
** of a ladies penne (herfelf being the moft beau-
" tifiiU or rather beautie of Queens), And this
" was the occafion : Our Sovereign Lady per-
" ceiving how the Queen of Scots refidence
" within this realme at fo great libertie and eafe
" (as were fcarce meete for fo great and dan-
" gerous a prifoner) bred fecret faftions amongft
*^ her people, and made many of the nobility in-
** cline to favour her partie (fome of them dc-
** firous of innovation in the State, others afpiring
*' to greater fortunes by her libertie and life) ;
** the Queene our Sovereigne Lady, to declare
^* that (he was nothing ignorant of thofe fecret
" praftices, (though fhe had long, with great
" wifdom and patience, diffembled it,) writeth
** that dittie, moft fweet and fententious ; not
^* hiding from all fuch afpiring minds the danger
« of
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144 QUEfiK XLIZABITH*
«* of tHdr ambition and difloyalrie, inrhich after-
•* wards fell out moft truly by the exemplary
*^ chaftifements of fundry perfons, who, in favour
^* of the faid Queen of Scots, declining from her
•* Majeftie, fought to interrupt the quiet of the
^ ^ realm by many evill and undutifuU praftyfes.
" The ditty is as foiloweth :
The doubt of future foes exiles my prefcnt joy.
And Wit me warns to (hun fuch fnarts as threatea
mine annoy ;
For falfehood now doth fiowe, and fubje^ faith doth
ebbe,
Whkh would not be, if reafon rulM, or wifdom weav'd
the webbe.
But clouds of tois untried do cloakeaipiring mindes.
Which tume to raig&e of late repent by courfe of
changed windes.
The toppe of hope fupposM, the root of ruth will be.
And fruitlefs all their graffed guiles^ as (hortly ye {hall
fee.
. Then dazzled eyes with pride, which great ambition
biindes.
Shall be uafecl'd by worthy wights, whofe forefight -
faUehood finds.
The daughter of debate, that eke difcord iioth fowc.
Shall reap no gainc, where former rule hath taught ftlll
peace to growe,
No forrcine banKh'd wight fliall ancre in this port;
Our reahne it brooks nc^ toangcrs' force, let them elfc-
where refort.
Our rufty fword with reft fhall firft his edge employ.
To poUe their toppes that feeke fuch change, and gape
for joy.
«« In
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OyEIK Etl^ABETHi US
•< in a Prince/* fiiys Puttenham, ^^ it is decent
^* to go flowly, and to march with leifure, and
i* vith a certain granditie, i^ther than gravitie J
*• as our Sovcrainc Lady and Miftreffe, (Queen
^* Elizabeth,) the Very image of majeftie and
•* magnificence, is accuftomed to do generally,
** unlefe it be when flie walketh apace for her
** pleafure, "or to catch her a heate in the coldc
^ monungs.
' *« Neverthelefs," adds Puttenham, *^ it is not
^^ fo decent in a meaner perfon, as I have ob-
^' ferved in fome counterfeit ladies of the country,
*< which ufe it much to their own derilion. This
** comelinefs was wanting in Queeil Marie, (of
*' England,) otherwife a very good and honour-
*« able Princeffe, and Was fome blemifh to the
"Emperor Ferdinando, a moft noble-minded
** man, yet fo cafeteffe and forgetfuUe of himfelf
*^ in that behalf, as I have feen him runne up a
*< pair of ftsdrs fo fwift and nimble a pace, as
** almoft had nbt become a very meane man,
** who had not gone in fome haftie bufineffe*
^^ And in a noble Prince, nothing is more decent
^* and well-befecming his greatneffe than to fpare
^* foul fpceches, for that bredes hatred, and to
•« kt none humble fuitors depart out of their
*' prefence (as near as may be) difcontented/*
Vbu r, h Whilft
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14^ QUEEil eLIHABETH.
Whflft the celebrated Spanifli Armada hovered
about the coaft of England in 158&, Queen Eli-^
zabeth made the following fpeech to the officers
and foldiers that compofed the camp at Tilbury,
which may now be adverted to in the prefent pof-
ture of affairs, when this country has to dtead an
invafion from the moft infidious and raoft for-
midable foe with which any country whatever,
either from the fatality of human affairs, or from
the wretched policy of its Governors,, was threat-
ened * :
" MY LOVING PEOPLE,
" We have been.perfuaded by fome that are
'^ careful of pur fafety, to take heed how we
*^ conunit ourfelyes to armed multitudes, for fear
*' of treachery j but affure you, I do not defire
'' to live to diftruft my faithftil and loving people.
" Let tyrants fear ; I have always fo behaved
*' myfelf, that under God I have placed my
** chiefeft ftrength and fafeguard in the loyal
•* hearts and good-will of my fubjeds. And
" therefore I am come amongfbyou at this time,
*^ not as for my recreation or fport, but being
" refolved in the midfl and heat of the battle to
** live or^ie amongft you all, and to lay down,
^' for my God, and for my kingdom, and for
* In the fummer of the year I795»
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fjyUtEH ELIZABETH^ I47
^ tay people, my honour and my blood cren in
^* the duft. I know I have but the body of a
** weak and feeble woman, but I have the heart
** of a King, and a King of England too j and
** think foul feorn that Parma or Spain, or any
** Prmce of Europe, fhould dare to invade the
*• borders of my realms j to which rather than
^^ any diflionour fhould grow by me, I myself
** will take up arms j I myself will be your
•^'General, Judge, and Rewarder of every one
*' of your virtues in the field. I know already
** by your forwardnefs that you have deferveA
*^ rewards and crowns j and We do affure you,
** on the word of a Prince, they fhall be duly
** paid you. In the mean time, my Lieutenant-
^* General fhall be in my flead ; than whom
*' never Princ6 commanded more noble and
^' worthy fubjedt ; not doubting by your obe-
** dien^e to my General, by your concord in the
^* camp, and your valour in the field, we fhall
^' fhortly have a famous viftory over thofe ene-
^^ mies of my God, of my kingdom, and of my
** people.'*
Her Majefty, five years afterwards, whalfl thei
fame horrid calamity of war i^ipended, thus fpi*
ritedly addreffed her Parliament, April 10, 1593.
^^ This kingdom hath had many wife, noble,
** viftoriousPiinces: I will not compare with any
La ' « of
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14^ ^EEN EtlZABETri.
*< of them for wifdom, fortitude, ot any other
^« virtues ; but, faving the duty of a child, that
** is not to compare with his father in love, care,
** fincerity, and juftice, I will compare with any
** Prince that ever you had, or fliall have.
*C It may be thought fimplicity in me, that all
** this time of my reign I have not fought to
^* advance my territories,' tod enlarge my domi-
^* nions, for opportunity hath ferved me to do it.
" I acknowledge my womanhood and wcaknefs
^ in that rtefpeft ; but though it hath not been
** hard to obtain, yet I doubted how to keep the
" things fo obtained ; that hath only held me
^f from fuch attempts. And I nxuft fay, my mind
" was never to invade my neighbours, or to
** ufurp over any ; I am contented to reign over
« mine own, and to rule as a juft Prince.
^^ Yet the King of Spain doth challenge me to
** be the quarreller and the beginner of all thef(^
** wars, in which^ he doth me the greaieft wrong
** that can be ; for my conference doth not ac-
" cufb my thoughts, wherein I have done him^
** the leaft injury ; but I am perfuaded in my
*^ confciaice, if he knew what I know, he him-
" felf would be forry for the wrong that he hativ
** done me»
•* Ifear
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J
<|US£H £LZZABJSTit^ 149
<< I fear not all lib threatenings; "fais great
^« preparations . and mighty forces do not ftir
^ mc J for thmjgh he come againft me with z
*^ greater power than ever was his Invincibly
fc Navy, I doubt not (God aflifting me, upon
^ whom I always truft) but that I (hall be able
^« to defeat and overthrow him. I have great
,«« advantage'againft him, for my ca^fe is juft»
" I he^d fay, when he attempted his laft in»
** vafion, fonie upon the fea-coaft forfook their
*^ towns, and flew up higher into the country,
^< and left all naked md expofed to his entrance^
*« But I fwear unto you by God, if I knew thofe
^* perfons, pr any that Ihall do fo hereafter, I
*' will make them know and feel what it is tp ba
♦* fo fearful in fo urgent ^ c*ufe,
** The fubfidies you gave me, I accept thank-^
^' fully, if you giyd me your good wills with
^* them; but if the neceffity of the time and
** your prefervations did not reqyire it, I woul4.
^ rcfufe them, But let me tell you, that the
^* fum is not fo much, but that it is needful for
^* a Prince to have fo n^uch always in her coffers
^' for your defence ii^ time of need, jand not to
^^ be driven to get it when ve fto^ld \jfe it.
^ You that be Lieutenants and Gentlemen of
^ cc^n^4 ii^ yow countries, I require you to
t 3 ^' ^^^^
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r jO QXJEEK ELIZABETH.
f* take care that the people be well armed, and
** in readinefs upon all occafions. You that be
^^ Judges and Juftices of the Peaue, I command
*' and ftraitly charge you, that you fpe the laws
^ to be duly executed, and that you make them
<« living laws when we have put life into them.**
Puttenham tells us, . that when fome Englifh
Knight, who had behaved himfelf very infojently
towards this Que^n, while flie ym Princefs Elizz^r
beth, fell upon his knees before her, foon after
ihe became the Sovereign of thefe kingdomsjj
and befought her to pardon him, fufpefting (a$
there was good caufe) that he fliould have beei^
fent to the Tower, Ihe faid to him, very mildly^j
** Do you not know that we are defcended of the
*^ lion, whofe nature is, not to prey upon the
** moufe, or other fmall vermin?"
Ofborne, in his Memoirs of Queen Elizabeth,
tells this ftory of her :— That one of her purvey^
ors having behaved with fome injuftice in the
county of Kent, one of the farmers of that county
went to the Queen's palace at Greenwich, and
watching the time when the Queen went to take
her ufual walk in the morning, pried out loud
enough for her Majefty to hear, " Pray which is
*^ the Queen?'* She replied very gracioufly,
** I am your Queen j whs^t would you have with
« me?"
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, QUEEN ELIZABETH^ IJI
^ me ?**—.-** You (replied the former) ire one of
" the rareft women I ever faw, and can eat no
** more than my daughter Madge, who is thought
*^ the prppereft lafs in the parifli, though far
** fhort of you: but that Queen Elizabeth I
** look for devours fo many of my ducks, hens,
^ and capons, as I am not able to live/*
'fhe (^een, as Ofbome adds, always aufpicious
to fuits made through the mediation of her comely
ihape, enquired who was the purveyor, and
ipaufed him to bp hanged.
What pardon could the Earl of Effex hope
from Queen Elizabeth, when it had been reported
to her, that he had faid her mind was grown as
crooked as her body ?
** As to her own perfonal qualides,*' fays
Strype, " flie was a Queen that eafily forgave
*^ private injuries, but a fevere difpenfer of com-
** mon juftice, favouring none in their crimes,
** nor leaving them hopes of impunity. She cut
*' oflFall licentioufnefs from all, giving no coun-
** tenance thereunto to any. This precept of
*' Plato flie always fet before her in all her doings,
<^ That laws Ihould rule over men, and not that
*' men fhould rule, and be lords, over the laws.
<* Befides this, fhe was a Prince that leaft of all
L4 ^* defired
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15^.. QUEEN thitAttm.
^* defired the eftates and goods of her fubjcfts ;
*^ and for her own treafure, (he commanded it
** to be frugally and fparingly laid out for het
" private pleafure, but royally and liberally for
** any public ufe, whether it were for common
*^ benefit or domeftic magnificence.'*
The proficiency in learning of this great Prin-
cefs is thus defcribed by Roger Afcham, in his
^ Schoolmafter :'"
^ It is to your Ihame (I fpeak to you all^ you
** yong Jentlemen of England) /that one Mayd
*^ fhould go beyond you all in excellencie of
** learnyng, and knowledge of divers tonges.
** Pointe forth fix of the beft given Jentlemen of
** this Court, and all, they together fliew not fo
*' much good- will, fpend not fo much tym^ bc-
** flow not fo many houres dayly, orderly, and
*' conftantly, for the increafe of learnyng and
*^ knowledge, as doth the C^eene's Majeftie
*' herfelfe. Yea I believe, , that befide her per-
*' fe£k readines in Latin, Italian, French, and
*• Spaniih, flie readeth here now at Windfore
** more Greeke every day than fome Rrebendarie
*• of this Church doth read Latin in a whole
** weeke. And that which is moft praSfe-worthy
*^ of all, within the walls of her Privie-Chambex
** fhe hath obteyned that excellencie of learning,
** to underftand, i§peak, and write both wittily
" with
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qyiEN £LIZABSTH« 1 53
« with head, and fidre trith hand, as fcarce one
«« or two rare Wittes in both the Univerfiti?s
^ have in many yeares reached unto/'
Qne&x EUaabeth made many progreffes througl^
her kingdom. The account of the preparations
made at Canterbury for receiving her Majefty
are thus defcribed in a letter of Matthew Parker,
Archbifliop of Canterbury, copied from the cxi^
^nal at the Bodleian Loorary in Q:](fordL
*' SIR,
*' Gladlie would I do all the fervice I could tp
f^ the <^eenes Majeftie, and to ail her Nobiles,
f' with ther^ofhermoft honourable houfchold.
f* I haveiPPDther council to foUowe, but to
^' fearche out what fervice my predeceffors have
f ' been wont to doe. My oft diftemperance and
^^ in&tnitie of bodye maketh me not to do fo
f^ much as I woukle. If her Majeftie would
*' pieafe to remayne in my houfe, her Highneft
** ihould have convenient rome. And *! could
** place for a progreffe-time your Lordffaip, my
^^ Lord Chamberlaine, my Lotd of Leicdler, and
?• Mr. Hatton, if he come home: thinkinge
" that your Lordfhi|)s will fumiflie the places with
*^ your own ftuffe. They faie that mync houfe
f' is of an evill aire, hanging upon the church,
*> and having ik> profped to Joke on the peopk,
^ but yet I trufte the conveniencie of the build-
« ing
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J54 QUKN BLIZABETKf
*^ ing would fervc. If her Hyghneft be mmdc4
^^ to have her own palace at St. Auftens, then
** might your Lordlhips be otherwife placed, with
*<^ the Deane and certain Prebendaries. Mr.
^* Lawte, Prebendary, would feyn have your
^' Lordftiip in his convenient houfe, trufting the
^' rather to doe your Lordfhip now fervice, as
♦* he did once in teaching Grammar Schoole in
^^ Stamford, by your appointment. Mr. Bungey
** alfo would be g^d to have your Lordfhip in
*^ his lodging, where the Frenche Cardinal laye,
** and his houfe is feyer and fufficient. Mr.
'* Pearfon would gladly have your Lordfhip in
^. his faire houfe, moft fit for your Lordfhip, if
^* you think fo good.
** The cuflome hath beene when Princes have
** come to Caxmterbury, for the Bifhop the Deane
^* and the Chapter to waite on them at the wefl
^* end of their Churche, and fo to attend on
** them, and there to heare an oration. After
^* that her Highnefs may goe under a canopye
** till fhe Cometh to the middle of the Churche,
*' where certain prayers fhall be fayde, and after
** that to wayte on her Highnefs through the
** Quier to the Communion Table to heare the
^' even-fonge, fo afterwardes to departe to her
*' own lodginge. Or elfe, upon Sonday follow-
** ing, (if it be her pleafure,) to come from her
" houfe of ^t. Auftens by the new bridge, and
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^EEN ELIZABETH. I55
W fe ta enter the weft end of the Churche, or in
•f her coache by the ftreet. It would much re-
^ joice and ftablilh the people here in this reli-
*.* gion to fee her Highnefs that Sondaye (being
^ the firft Sondaye of the n^oneth, when others
^^ alfo cuftomablie miy receivq) as a godlie de-
** voute Prince, in her cheife and metropoliticall
^* Churche, openlie to reqeive the Coipmunioa
^* (which by her favour I would adminifter to
** her): Plurimafunt magna et necefaria^ fed hoc
*^ unum eji necejfarium. I prefume not to pre-
^^ fcribe this to hfr Highnefsj^ but as her truftie
*' Chapleyn Ihewe my judgement. And after
** that Communion yt might pleafe her Majeftie
** to heare the Deane preache, fitting either in
^^ her traverfe, or els to fuflfer him to go to the
** common Chj^pter^ being the place of Ser-
f^ mons, where a greater n^ultitude fliould hear.
** And yet her Highnefs might goe to a very fitt
^^ place with fome of her Lords and Ladies, to
f * be there , ia a convenient clofett above the
♦* heads of the people to heare the fermon*
f* And after that, I would defier to fee her
^^ Highnefs at her and myne houfe for the din*
^* ner following. And if her Highnefs will give
f • me leave, I would keepe my bigger Hall that
^^ daye for her Nobiles and the reft of her
^* trayne. And if it pleafe her Majeftie, fhe
♦< may come in through my Gallerie, and fee
*^ the
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I$6 QUEEN ItlZABETHf
^* the diipofition of the Hall in dynncr time at
♦* a window opening thereunto. I pray your
^ Lordffiip be not offended, though I write
♦* unto my Lord of Suffex as Lord QJiamberT
♦* layne, in fome of thofe matters as may con^
^ cerne his office. I am in preparing for three
^ or fouer of my good Lords fome Geldings ;
^ or if I knewe whether would like you beft,
^ either one for your own faddle, or a fine
^ Kttle white Gelding for your own footclothe,
•* or one for one of your Gentlemen, I would
" fo appointe you. And thus trufting to have
your 4pounfell as Mr. Deane cometh for the
fame, I commit your Honor to God's tuycion as
myfelf. From my houfe of Beakefbone, nighe
^ to CaimteAurie, this i8th of Augufte 1573.
** Your L. affured in Chrifte,
*^ Matthew Cantuar/^
MARY,
OySEN OF SCOTS.,
Dn the death of her hufband, Francis the
Second, Mary quitted France ; and, as if con-
fcious of the fate that was to await her in Scot«
6 land.
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' MARY, QUEEN OF SCQTS.- I57
land, in her paflage to that country (he kept her
eyes conftantly fixed on the French coaft, and
breathed out her expreffive forrow at quitting it
in the following elegant verfes :
AdieUy platfant Pays de France!
O ma patrii
La plus chirie^
^ui as Murri majeune enfance s
Adieuy Francs I adieu nos beaux jours t
La nef qui de joint nos amours ^
N^a eu de moi que la moitie;
Une part te reftty elle eft tienne .-
ye la fie h ton amitie^
Pour que de P autre il tefouvienne*
In the year 1564, Buchanan made fome ele-
gant verfes upon the marriage of Mary Queen ,
of Scots with Lord Darnley, and alfo on a dia-
mond ring in the form of a heart, which Mary
fent in the fame year to Elizabeth Queen of
England. They are publilhed in an account of
the life and writings of George Buchanan, by
Monf. Le Clerc, and may be thus tranflated ;
Thb gem bchoW, the emblem of my heart.
From which my Coufin'e im^e ne'er (hall part \
Clear in its lu(b:e, fpotlefs does it fhine ;
As clear, as i^otlefs, is this heart of mine !
What though the ftone a greater hardnefs wears^
Superior firmnefs ftill the figure bears.
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iTiis ring was prcfented by King Jim^s ^€
Fitft to Sir Thomas Warner, and is now in the
poffeffion of the great-grandfon of Sir Thomas#
By the kindnefs of Mr. Plantar the reader Is
J)refented with the firft letter that this unfortunate
Queen ever wrote in Englifh. It was written^
moft probably, iii the fummer or autumn of the
year 1568, and was addreffed to Sir Francis
KnoUys :
*' Matter Knoleis, y hauti hai* funi news from
*' Scotland, y fend zou to da the double of them.
** y wreit to the Quin my gud fifter, and prey zou
*' to do the lyk conforme to that y fpak zcfteT"
*^ nicht unto zou, and fut hafti anfur y refer all to
*^ zour difcretion ind wil lipne beter in zour
*' gud dalin for me lior y con perfuad zou nemli
** in this langafg excus mi ivel wretein for y
** newer ufed it afor and am hafted ze fchal (i
^* mi bel whuilk is opne it is fed Saterday mi
^ unfrinds will be vth (with) zou y fey nothing
** but traft weii and ze fend one to zour wiflf ze
** may afur her fchii wald' a bin weilcpme to a
** pur ftranger hua nocht bien aquanted with her
•* wil notcht bi over bald to wreit bot. fof the
** aquantans betwix ous, y wil fend zou Ktle
*^ tokne to rember zou of the gud hop y Hauu in
•* zou ques ^e fend a met meifager y wald wyfli ze
« beftouded
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liARir, QUEEN OF SCOTSj l^g
4* beftouded it reder upon her nor ain uder. thus
*^ efter my commendations y prey God hauu zou
*' in his kipin.
** Your afured gud frind
" Marie R.
** Excuf my ivel wreteln
•* the furft time/*
Ronfard, the celebrated French Poet, ad*
dreffed fome verfes to Mary. She prefented
him with a filver cup emboffed, reprefenting
Apollo and the Nine Mufes, thus infcribed :
^* j1 Ronfard VApoUon d$ tafource des MufesJ*
Oiie of Mary's MS. letters ends with thefe
melancholy words, " Car je fuis prejpe de
*' mourirJ*
The following copy of verfes, written by this
beautiful and unfortunate Princefs during her
confinement in Potheringay Caftle, is prefented
tQ the Public by the kindijiefs of a very eminent
and liberal CoUeftor.
^efuis-jey helasf et de quoifert la vie?
yen fuis fors qiiun corps f rive de cueur^
Un 'omhre vayn^ un objet de matheur^
Siui n^a plus rien que de mourir en vie.
Plus ne me portezy O enetnys^ tenvte^
^i f!a plus V efprit a la grandeur :
J' at c^nfimmc iexcejjive douleur^
Voltre.
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Fokri ire en href ie vir affktvie^
Mt vovs amyi qui nCekve% Unu chete^
Souvenez^vous que fans cueur^ et fans fantef^
ye nefcaurois auqun*bon etuvre faire*
Souhaitez done fin ie calamitey^
Et que fus bas etant affez puniep
y^aie ma fart en Imjch it^nie^
The verles are written on a Aeet of paper by
Mary herfelf, in a large ramblkig hand. Thd
Ibllowing literal tranflatlcm of them tras mad€
by a countrywoman of Mary's, a Lady in
beauty of perfon and elegance of mind by no
means inferior to that accompliihed and unfora
tunate Princefs*
Alas, what am I ? and m what eftatc ^
A wretched corfc bereaved of its heart j
All empty Ihadow, loft, unfortunate :
To die is now in life my only part**
Foes to my greatnefs, let your envy reft.
In me no tafte for grandeur now is found :
ConfumM by grief, with heavy ills ppprefs*d,
Your Aviflies and defires will foon b^ crown*di
' And you, my friends, who ftill have held me deat|
Bethink you, that when health and heart arc fled,
And ev*ry hope of future good is dead,
Tis time to wifti our forrows ciidcd here ;
And thatthis^punifliment on earth is given,
*rhat my pure foul may rife to endlcfs blifs in Helven.
*
In her wayto Fothcringay Caftle, Mary fiop-
J^d a few hours at Buxton, and with her
diamond
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MARY,. QUEEN OF SCOTS. l6t
diamond ring wrote on a pane of glafs at the inn
i(^ that place,
Bupctona^ qua tepiJa celdrabere numtne lytftpha^
Buxtona^forti iterum n^n adeuhJa, vak 1
Uncertain, in the womb of Fate,
What ills on wretched Mary wait !
Buxton, my tribute. (whilft I may)
To thy fam'd tepid fount I pay ;
That fount, the cure of ills and pain.
Which 1 ffaall nearer fee again !
Many curiotis MS* p2ifdts relative to Mary-
Queen of Scots are to be met with in the Library
of the Scots College at Paris. The laft time
that David Hume was in that city, the learned
and excellent Principal of the College fhewed
them to him, and alked him, why he had pre-
tended to write her hiftory in an unfavourable
light, without confulting them. David, on being
told this, looked over fome letters which the
Principal put into his hands^ and, though not
much ufcd to the melting mood, burft into tears.
Had Miary written the Memoirs of her own Life,
how interefting muft they have been! A Queen,
a Beauty, a Wit, a Scholar, in diftrefs, muft
have laid hold on the heart of every reader :
and there is air the i*eafon ii^ the world lo fup-
pofe that fhe would have been caindid and im«
partiaL Mary^ indeed^ coirq)letely contradided
the.obiervation made by the learned Selden ixi
vo^ju u M his
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'€C
rSa MARY, QUEEN OF SCOTS.
his Table-Talk, ** that men are not troubled t6
hear men difpraifed, becaufe they know that
^* though one be naught, there is ftill worth in
" others : but women are mightily troubled to
" hear any of themfelves fpoken agftinft, as if the
" fex itfelf were guilty of fome unworthinefs :'*
for when one of the Cecil family, Minifter to
Scotland from England in Mary's reign, was
fpeaking of the wifdom of his Sovereign Queen
Elizabeth, Mary flopped him fhort by faying,
" Seigneur Chevalier ^ ne me parlez jamais de la
** faS^Jf^ ^'^^ j^;7//w^ ; je connois bien mon fexe ;
** laplusfage de nous tQuies rieji (jtC unpen moins
*' fotte que les autres.*^
The piftures in general fuppofed to be thofe of
this unfortunate Princefs differ very much from
one another, and all of them ^om the gold medal
flruck of her with her hufband Francis the Se-
cond at Paris, and which is now in the late Dr.
Hunter's Mufeum in Windmill-flreet. This me-
dal reprefents her as having a turned-up nofe.
Mary, however, was fo graceful in her figure,
that when, at one of the proceffions of the Hofl
at Paris, fhe was carrying the wafer in the pix, a
woman burfl through the crowd to touch her,
to convince herfelf that fhe was not an AngeL
She was fo learned, that at the age of fifteen years
fhe pronounced a Latin oration of her own com-*
pg£tion
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MARY, qUBIN -OF SCOTS* 163
pofition before the whole Court of France at thje
Louvre.
Mary, wearied with misfortunes, and tired of
confinement, received with great firmnefs and
refignation the fentence of death that was pro-
nounced againft her by her rival. " Death,*'
faid fhe, " which will put an end to my misfor-
*' tunes, will be very welcome to me. I look
** upon a foul too weak to fupport the body in
" its paffage to the habitations of the bleffe4, as
*' unworthy of the happinefs that is to be enjoyed
«« there."
The original of the following fupplicatory let-
ter of Mary Queen of Scots, to Queen Elizabeth,
is in the Bodleian Library at Oxford :
" MADAME,
*' Pencant felon le commandement donney,
" que tous ceulx; non compris en ung certeinge
*' memoyre, deuffent aller ou leur affiiyres les
" conduirefoient j'avois choifi Monfieur de Le-
" vington pur eftre porteur de la prefente, ce
" que m'eftant refufay a lui retenu, j'ai ete con-
** traynte, nayant autre libertay, met^e la pre-
^ fente aux mayns de Monfieur de Shrewfberi,
" de la quele, & de celle fiendofes, je vous fuplie
" au moyns4?|r piti^ me faire quelque refponfe.
M 2 "Car
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t64 rtAar, <^z^U 6f scot«.
^ Cair fi jc demeure en cet cftat, je n'efperai ja-*
** mais vous doime> plus de payne.
** Voftre affligce bonne Soeur & Coufin^
" MARIE R.^
^ A la. Roync d'Anglctcrre,
'* Madame ^la bonne focur/'
A very curious account of her execution was
publiflied in France foon after that event ; from
which it appears, that on her body's falling after
decapitation, her favourite i^aniel jumped out of
her clothes. Immediately before her execution
ihe repeated the folkhving Latin Prayer, compofed
by herfelf, and which has been fet to a beautiful
plaintive Air * by t^at triple fon of Apollo the
fearned and excellent Dr. Rarington of Bath>
^t the requeft of the Compijler, as an embellifti-
ment to thefe Httle volumes,
O Thmine DeuSj fperavi in te !
O tare mi Jiju^ nunc libera me!
In durd catena^ in ndferd pcend^ dejtdero te I
Languend&y gementb, ei genufie3e7iday
AdorOf imploroy ut Uteres 4ne !
It may be thus paraphrafed :
In this laft fokmn and tremendous hour.
My Igird, my Saviour, I invoke thy power 1
In theie fad pangs of aaguifli and of death, ^
Receive, O Lord,* thy fuppliant*s parting breath?
^ - .. Before-
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MARV^ ^EEK Of Scots; i6^
Before thf hallowed crofs flie prdftrate lies,
O hear her prayers, eommiferate her fighs !
Extend thy arms of mercy and of love,
And bear her to thy peaceful realms above.
Buchanan dedicated to Queen Mary his beau,
tiful tranflation of the Pfalms into Latin verfe^
fhe concluding lines of his Tranflation are :
Non tamen aufus tram male natum exponere fituntf
Ne fnibi difpli^eanty qua placuere tibif
JSfam qtiod ab ingenh Domini fperarf nequibunt^
Pebtbunt genio forjitan ilia tuQ,
They were thus altered by Bifliop Atterbiiry
the night before he died, and were felit by him
to the late I^ord Marihal Keith ;
Atji culta parumj ftjint incondita^ Noflri
Scilicet ingenii ejiy noma cuip'afoli. -
Pojfe etiam hh nofci quie furit pulcbfrrimi Jpottdef^ ^
JEx muttti et genio SfOtica tertc^ tuo.
If thefe rude barb'rous lines their author ihzmtf
His mufe and not his country is to blame ;
That excellenpe e'en Scotland can beftow, '
"We from thy genius and thy beauty know,
Wheii the Commiflioners frpin Queen Sliza*
feeth cam(5 iiito her chamber to conduct het fo
the feaffold, (he faid to them, '' The Englif^
^* have more than enee ftained their hands with
If the bteed of ihtix Kings, 1 am of the fanae
w 3 ^* blood J
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^6$ MARY, QUEEN OF SCaTS.
'' blood ; fo there is nothing extraordinary in
" my death, nor in their conduQ:." As fhe
went to the fcaffold with a crucifix in her hand,
one of the CommiiEoners brutally told her, flie
had much bettei: have her Saviour in her heart
than in her hands. " Sir,'' replied fhe coolly,
** it is almoft impoffible for any one to have his
** Saviour in his hands without having his heart
** deeply affeded by him;*' She was preffed
even at the fcafibld to change her religion ; to
which Ihe nobly replied, " Pray give yourfelves
*' no farther trouble on that point. I was born
*' in the Catholick Faith, I have lived in the
" Catholick Faith, and I am refolved to die
" in it.''
** And now," fays Wilfon m his " Hiftory of
** the Reign of King James," in fpeaking of the
fecond funeral of Mary in Weftminfter Abbey,
*' in the tenth year of his reign, the King calls
** his thoughts towards Peterborough, where .his
** Mother lay, whpm he caufed to be tranflated
** to a magnificent tomb at Weftminfter. And
** (fomewhat fuitable to her mind when Ihe was
** living) flie had a tranflucent paflage in the
** night through the city of London, by multi-
^^ tudes of torches : the tapers placed by the tomb
*^ and the altar in the cathedral, fmoaking with
f^ them like an offertorie/witb alUhg ceremonies
"and
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MARY, qyEEN OF SCOTS* 167
^ and voices their quires and copes could exppefs,
^' attended by many Prelates and Noblesf, who
^^ payd this laft tribute to her meiwHry. This
** was counted a piaculous iftion of the Kong's
*^ by many, though fome have not ftuck to fay,
*' that as Queen Elizabeth was willing to be rid
*^ of the Queen of Scots, yet would not have it
*' her adion, and being it could not be done
*' without her command, when it was done fhe
^' renounced her own aft. So, though the King
** was angry when he heard his Mother was taken
^^ away by a violent death, recalling his Ambaf-
*^ fador, threatening war, and making a great
" noife, (which was after calmed and clofed up
" with a larg^ penfion from the Queeti,) yet he
^' might well enough be pleafed that fudi a fpirit
^' w'as layd, as might have <:oiijur€4 up three
^^ kingdoms againft him.- / _
i^—
JOHN KNOX.
Of this celebrated Reformer, who difgraced
his ufeful and refpeftable charafter by outrage and
violence, the Regent Earl of Morton faid, when
he attended his funeral, " There lies a man, who
" in his life never feared the face of a man; who
^* }iath been often threatened with dag and dagr
M 4 . " ger,
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X68 ' J6H19 KNOX.
** ger, but yet hath he ended his days in peace
^* an^ honour J for he had God's providence
^watching over him in a fpecial manner when
" his very life was fought.**
Timoleon, the Reformer of Corinth, when
he caufed his brother's blood to be fhed, turned
afide his head, covered it with his cjoak, and
wept. The, Scottifti Reformer, however, not
only performed the great work in which he was
engaged with earneftnefs, but occafionally added
want of feeling toward the perfons who fuffered
for it. In defcrihing the murder of Cardinal
Beaton, he introduces a joke s(.bout his corpulency,
and addst^ ** thefe things we write merrily.*'
When he relate$ an account of an exhortation
which he gave to the un&ttimate Queen Mary,
he adds, " I made the Hyaena weep ♦.** His
writings are in the fame ftyle with his fpeeches,
and bear titles expreffive of the agitation and
violence of mind of him who penned them ; as,
« The Firft Blaft of the Trumpet againft the
* The elegant Mary herfelf, on feeing the bleeding body.
of a young gfentleman brought near her, who had been fhot
by fome of her fbldiers, faid, " I cannot be refponfible for
** accidents, but I wifh it had been his father.'* So nearly
.«qual in brutality are the polite and the coarfe, the unculti-
vated and the refined, the Sovereign and the peafant, when
they fuffer their minds to be tran^orted by the violence of
paffion^ OK contipted by the partiality of prejudice.
6 ^* wonftrous
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JOHN ltN63t« 26^
f ^ monftfOus Regiment of Women ;*• and ** A
^« brief Exhortation to England for the fpcedy
*^ embracing of Chrift's Gofpel, heretofore by
^^ the Tyrsmny of Mary fupprefled and banilhed,**
Knox in one of his Sermons told his hearers^
*^ that one Mafs was mwe frightfiil to him than
♦' ten thoufand enemies landed in any part of the
^* realm." This gave much offence to Queen
Mary, Lord Darnley, whom fhe foon afterwards
marriedj was prevailed upon to hear him preach,
and he entertained his ears with this text froitf
Jfaiah, " O Lord, other Lords than thou havQ
f* reigned over us ;'* and, fpeaking of the go?
vernment of wicked Princes, he faid, " tha,t thej^
f were fent as tyrants and fcourges to the peoplq
?* for their fms ;** adding, ", that God occsu/
f ^ cafionally fets boys and women over a natioiii^
<^ to punifh it for its crimes,'* &c
To animate the n^ob of Perth to puU dov^n ca^
thedrals and monafteries, he exclainu^, <' PuS
*' down the nefts and the rooks will fly away/*
Yet, as it is iagacioufly and humanely obfervcd
by Mr. Andrews, in his judicious and excelteif
Continuation of Dr. Henry's valuable Hiftory,
** he reftrained his followers from blood j not
f* evcpi by way of retaliation did a (ingle man oi
\^. the Roman Catholic party lo& his life for Im
** religion.
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17P BUCHANANt
^ religion, if we except the Cardinal, who ^cU as
*' much on account of hjs defpotifm as his bi*
« gotry. To a fierce unpoliihed race like the
^' Scots^ a ftern taftelefs Apoftle like John Knox
<« was perhaps neceffary.**
BUCHANAN.
The following curious account is taken from
the Thirteenth Pook of the Scotch Hiftory of that
fearflied an4 eleg«pit writer, .
"^ f* About this time, 1590, a new kind of mon-
^ fter was bom in Scotland *. In the lower part
^ of its body it refembled a male child, nothing
*^ 'differing from the ordinary fhape of the human
^ body,'" but above the navel, the trunk of th^
*^ body, and all the other members, were double,
^ reprefenting both fexes, male and female. The
^ Ring (James the Fourth) gave fpecial order
fr-f6rit& careful education, efpecially in mufic,
* * A very ingenious Surgeon, lately arrived from the
Eaft-Indies, fays, that he left alive in Bengal, fome years
ago, a boy of eleven years of age with two heads, the one
joihed to the crown of the other, with a part of the neck
appended to it, having the appearance of having been de-
capitated. When this Ckntleman left the Eaft-Indies th^
boy was in perfeft he^th.
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BTJeHANAN. lyi
** in which it arrived to an admirable degree of
** flUU; and moreover it learned feveral tongues;
** and fometimes the two bodies did difcover fe-^
*^ veral appetites difagreeing one with another,
*Vand fo thejs woidd xjuarrel, one liking this,
*^ the other that ; and yet fometimes again they
*' V^ould agree, and confult as it were in com^
*f nion for thegood of both. This was alfome-
<^ WorablQ 4n rt, that whicn^t^e l^gs or loins
*^ were hurt, below, both bodies were fenfible of
** this pain in common, but when it was pricked^
*f pr Dther^fe hurt abov^, the f^nfe of the pain
**.did aflfeft one body: only; which difference ^
^^ was alfo more confjiicuous at its deaths for
*f one of the bodies died; many days before the
^^ other, and that which furvived, being half pu-
** trified, pined away by degrees^ This monfter
<« lived twenty-eight years and then died. I am
*f the more confident,'* adds the Hiftorian, **^ in
*^ relating this ftory, becaufe there are many
" honeft and credible perfoite yef alive who few
♦f this prodigy with th^ir own eyes.'*
LORD BURLEIGH
wa? very mUch preffed by fome of the Divines of
bis time, who waited on him in a body, to make
fome alterations in the Liturgy, He defired
them
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lyt LORD BURLEIGH.
them to go into the next room by themfclrcs,
and bring him in their unanimous opinion upC)n
fome of the difputed points. They returned,
however, to him very foon, without being able
to agree. " Why^ Gentlemen/^ Md he, " how
**. can you expeO: that I fhoul4 alter any point
*^ in difjpute, when you, who^muft be more com-'
" peteht, from your fitiiation, to judge than I
<^ .caii poffibly bei'tannot agrde aniong yourfelved
•* in'\itrhat raann^yo^.wdul4 have Irte filter it?'*
^Xiprd* ♦Burleigh, Veiy. differently from many
other Juppofed greajt Miaifters, ufed to fay, that
**■ *ra^e is the curfe/ and peace the bleffinge of
^f 3 countrie/'r— ^^ Areahne,'* added he, *' gain?'
♦5 cth niqre by one year's peace than by tenne
u
years warte.
99
. With refpeft to the education of children, he
thought very differently from. Lord Chefterfield
stfid.the other luminaries of this age ; for he lifed
to fay, ** that the unthrifty loofenefs^ of youth in
** this age was the parents' faults, whQ made
** them men feven years too foo;ie, havinge but
•* children's judgements." He would alfo add,
that " that Nation were happye where the Kinge
** would take counfell and followe it."T— " I
^* will," faid he, " never trufte anie man not
** of founde religion, for he that is felfe to God
** CM never be true to man."
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Lord Burlagh'g conduft as a Judge feems to
have been very praife-worthy and exemplary^
and might be imitated by fome of our prefent
Courts of Juftice. " He would never,** fays
his Biographer, ** fufFer Lawyers to digreffe or
'^ wrangle in pleadinge j advifing Counfellors tQ
** deale truely and wifely with their clients, that
** if the matter were naught, to tell them fo, and
** not to foothe them ; and where he found fuch
" a Lawyer, he would never thinke him honefte,
** nor recommende him to anie prefermente, as
*^ not fit to be a Judge that would give felfe
« eounfel.**
Thefe particulars are extrafted from a life of
this great man publiflied foon after his death by
one of his houfehold. It is to be met with in
Mr. Collins*s Life of Lord Burleigh.
Dr. Wall, in his tranflation of Cicero's Epif-
tles, fays, that this great Statefman made them
hia ghfie, his rule, his oracle, his ordinance, and
his pocket-book.
Lord Burleigh wrote fome excellent Advice
fiMT his Son, which is here fubjoined, and may
ftill be perufed with inftrufticm, in fpite of the
alteration of the times, as it contains that fund of
general good fenfe and knowledge of the world
which is applicable to all times and to all fituations.
The
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IJr4 ^ORn BUILLfilOfr*
The perfon to whom it was addreffcd applied It
fo fuccefsfiilly to his own life and condiift, that
he became Lord Treafurer of England, Earl of
Salifbiiry, and one of the greateft Statfefiheti of
his time*
" SON ROBERT,
*^ The vertuous inclinations of thy matchlefs
*' mother, by whofe tender and godly care thy
*^ infancy was governed, together with thy edu*
*' cation under fo zealous and excellent a tutor^
*' puts me in rather affurance than hope, that
*' thou art not ignorant of the fummum bonum^
*' which is only able to make thee happy as well
*' in thy death as life t I mean, the true know-
** ledge and worfhip of thy Creator and Re-
** deemer, without which all other things are
*^ vaine and miferable. So that thy youth being
^^ guided by fo fuflScient a teacher, I make no
*' doubt but he will furnifli thy life with divine
*^ and moral documents. Yet, that I may not
^' caft oflF the care befeeming a parent towards
** his child, or that thou fhouldeft have caufe to
** derive thy whole felicity and welfere rather
*' from others than from whence thou receivedft
*' thy breath and being, I think it fitt and
*' agreeable to the aiFeftion I bearc thee, to help
^* thee with fuch rules and advertifements, for
*^ the fquaring of thy life, as are rather gained
. . • " by
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•* by experience than by much reading, to the
"end that entering into this ' exorbitant age,
f ' thou mayeft be the better prepared to fhunn^
*' thofe fcandalous courfes whereunto the world
*' and the lack of experience may eafily draw
*' thee. And becaufe I will not confound thy
** memory, I have reduced them into Ten Pre-
*' cepts ; and next unto Mofes' Tables, if thou
" imprintfl them in thy mind, thou fhalt reap the
*' benefit, and I the content. And they are
" thefe following :
" I. When it Ihallpleafe God to bring thee
^' to man's eftate, ufe great providence and cir-
*' cumfpeftion in chufing thy wife, for from
" thence will fpring all thy future good or evil;
" and it is an adion of life, like unto a ftratagemr
•' of warre, wherein a man can erre but once.
" if thy eftate be good, match neere home, and
" at leifure ; if weak, far off and quickly. En-
" quire diligently of her difpofition, and how
" her parents have been inclined in their youth.
*^ Let her not be poore, how generous foever,
" for a man can buy nothing in the markett
" with gentility : nor chufe.a bafe and uncomely
*' creature altogether for wealth, for it will caufe
" contempt in others, and loathing in thee.
^ Neither make choice of (a) dwarfe, or (a)
" fool ; for by the one thou fhalt beget a race
" of pigmies, the other will be thy- continual
^* difgrace^
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17$ LO&B BURLEIGH*
^ difgrace, and it will yirke thee to hear her
^ talk ; for thou flialt find it, to thy great grief,
^ diat there is nothing more fulfome than a ihe
*♦ foolc-
** And touching the guiding of thy houfe, let
" thy hofpitallitie be moderate ; and, according
^^ to the meanes of thy eftate, rather plentiful!
*' than fparing, but not coftly. For I never
** knewe any man grow poore by keeping an
** orderly table, but fome confume themfelves
** through fecret vices, and their hofpitalitie
" bears the blame* But banifh fwinifli drunkards
^ out of thine houfe, wliich is a vice impairing
** health, confuming much, and makes no fhow,
^ I never heard praife afcribed to the drunkard,
*' but (fox;) the well bearing (of) his. drink,
•^ which is a better commendation for a brewer's
** horfe or a drayman than for either a gentle-
" man or (a) ferving-man, Beware thou fpend
^* not above three or four parts of thy revenewes,
*^ nor above a third part of that in thy houfe,
" for the other two parts will do no more than
*^ defray thy extraordinaries, which alwayes fur-
*' mount the ordinary by much, otherwife thou
'^ jQbalt live like a rich beggar in cpminual want.
^ And the needy man can never live happily
^ oor contentedly, for every dHalfer makes him
^ wadjf tQ mortgage or fellj and thatt gende-*.
•^ maa
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^ man who fells an acre of land fells an ounce
^* of creditt, for gentility is nothing elfe but
" antient riches. So that if the foundation fhall
** at any time finke, the building muft need fol*
lowe. So much for the Firft Frecept.
«(
" 2. Bring thy children up in learning and
*' obedience, yet without outward aufterity.,
" Praife them openly, reprehend them fecretly.u
*' Give them good countenance and convenient
*^ maintenance according to thy ability, other-
^^ wife thy life will feem their bondage, and what
*' portion thou (halt leave them at thy death,
*^ they will thank death for |t, and not thee ;
** and I am perfuadcd that the foolifli cockering
'* of fome parents, and the over ftern carriage
** of others, caufeth more men and women to
*^ take ill courfes than their own vicious inclina-
** tions. Marry thy daughters in time, left they
*^ marry themfelves. And fuffer not thy fonne§
*^ to' pafs the Alps, for they fliall learne nothing
^* there but pride, blafphemy, and atheifm ; and
** if by travel they gett a few broken languages,
** that fliall profit them nothing more than to
** have one meat ferved in divers diflies. Nei-
" ther, by my confent, flialt-thou train them up
" in warres, for he that fets'up his reft to live
'^^ by that profeffion, can hardly ht an honeft
** man or a good Chriftian: befides, it is a
VOL. u N ** fcience
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178 i-bkt> fetrkLiidtt.
« fcicnie Ho longer in tequfeft thift tife^ fof
^ fouldiers in peace are like chimneys in fum-
^ men
*• 3. Live not in the COtinlYty withodt corn
** and cattle about thee, for he that putteth his
^ hand to the purfe for every ^xpence of houfe-
^ hold, is like him that keepeth water in a fieve;
" and, what pf bvifion thoti fhalt vt^ant, learn to
^ buy it at the beft hand, for there is one penny
^* faved in four betwixt buying in thy need, and
^ when the marketts and feafons ferve fittefl for
" it. Be not ferved with kinfmen, or frieftds, or
^ men entreated to flay, for they expeft much,
** and doe little; nor with fuch as are aitiorotis,
** for their heads are intoxicated ; and keep
" rather two too few, than ofte too many. Feed
" them well, and pay them with the fnoft ; and
** then thou may ft boldly require fervice at their
*« hatids.
^" 4. Let thy kindred and allies be welcome
" to thy houfe and table. Grace them with
'^ thy countenance, and farther them in all
" honeft aftions, for by this means thou fhalt fa
" double the band of nature, as thou fhalt find
^* them fo many advocates to plead an apology-
" for thee behind thy back ; but fhake off thofe
** 'glow-wormes, I mean parafites and fycophants,
" who
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^ >j^ho wiU £fed and fawn upon thee in the
** fummer of proipcridej but^ in an adverfe
** ftorme, they will (helta- thee no mbre than an
** arbour in winten
*^ 5. Beware of furetyfliip for thy beft friends*
•• He that payeth another man's debts, feeketh
** hia own decay; but if thou canft not otherwife
•• chafe, rather lend thy money thyfelf upon
** good bonds, although thou borrow it, fo (halt
** thou fecure thyfelf, and pleafure thy friends
•^ Neither borrow money of a neighbour nor a
*' friend, but of a ftrangcr j where, paying for
** it, thou (halt hear no more of it; otherwife
*^ thou Ihalt ecUpfe thy credit, lofe thy freedom,
*' and yet pay as dear as to another. But in
*' borrowing of money, be precious of thy word,
** for he that hath care of keeping days of pay*
** ment, is lord of another man's purfe.
^ 6. Undertake no fuit againft a poor matt,
^ without receiving much wrong ; for, befides
-** (that) thou makeft him thy compeer, it is a
^* bafe conqueft to triumph where there is fmall
** refiftance. Neither attempt law againft any
^^ xnm^ before thou be fully rcfolved that thou
*• haft right on thy fide, .and then fpare not for
*^ either money or pains ; for a caufe or two fo
** followed and obtained, will free thee from fuits
. *V a great part of thy life#
N 2 *^ 7- Be
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XSO lORD BURL£IGH;
" 7. Be fure to keep fome great man thy
^* friend, but trouble him not for trifles. Com*
^« plnnent him often with many, yet fmall gifts,
** and of little charge j and if thou haft caufe to
<* beftow any great gratuity, let it be fomething
** which may be daily in fight, othcrwife, in this
^^ ambitious age, thou fhak remain like a hop
** without a pole, live in obfcurity, and be made
** a foot-ball for every infulting companion to
** fpurn at.
" 8. Towards thy fuperiors be humble, yet
** generous ; with thine equals, familiar, yet re-
** fpeftive. Towards thine inferiours fliew much
*' humanity, and fome familiarity, as to bow the
** body, ftretch forth the hand, and to uncover
^* the head, with fuch like popular compliments,
^ The firft prepares thy way to advancement j
" the fecond makes thee knowne for a man weH
** bred ; the third gains a good report, which,
« once got, is eafily kept, for right humanitie
*' takes fuch deep root in the minds of the muf-
'^ titude, as. they are eafilier gained by unprofit-
" able curtefies than by churlifh benefits. ^ Yet
*' I advifethee not to afFeft or negleft popularitie
>* too much. Seeke not to be Eflex. Shunne
' *^ to be Rawleigh.
'• 9. Truft not any man with thy life, credit,
*' or eftate, for it is mere folly for a man to en-
" thrall
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r LOUD BUHLEIGH. l8l
*f thrall himf^lf to his fnend,^as though, occalion
•* being offered, he Ihould not dare to become
^ tfiihe enemie.
*• 10. Be not fcurrilous in converfation, nor
^ fatyricall in thy jefts. The one will make
** thee imwelcome to all company, the other
** pull on quarrels, and get thee hatred of
i^ thy beft friends; fdr fufpitious jefts (when
** any of them favour of truth) leave a bittemefs
** in the mindes of thofe which are touched.
^* Ahd albeit I have already pointed at this in-
** clufively, yet I think it neceffary to leave it to
** thee as a fpeciall caution, becaufe I have feene
** many fo prone to quip and gird, as they
** would rather leefe their friend then their jeft ;
** ahd if perchance their boiling braine yield a
*^ quaint fcoffe, they will travell to be delivered
** of it as a woman with child Thefe nimble
*^ faucies are but the froth of wit/*
SIR NICHOLAS BACON,
LORD KEEPER OF THE GREAT SEAL.
•* I HAVE come to the Lord Keeper,** fays
Puttenham, " and found him fitting in his gal-
lery alone, with the Works of Quintilian be-
K 3 " fore
u
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l8l i SIR l^lCHpLAS BACONt
*• fore hini. Indeed^ he was a moft elbqtt^nt
** man, of rare wifiiom and learning, as ever I
** knew England to breed, and one that joyed
*' as much in learned men and good witts; from
** whofe lippes I have feen to proceed -m6re
^ grave and natural eloquence, than from all
^ the Orators of Oxford or Cambridge*'*
** (^ueen Elizabeth came, in one of her pro-
^ greffes, to vifit Sir Nicholas Bacon, ^ his
** houfe at Redgrave, and faid to him. My
** Lord, how fmall a houfe you have! He re-
^* plied. Madam, my houfe is fmall; but ^ou
«* have made me too great for it."
EARL OF ESSEX.
At the age of fixteen. Lord Effex took the
degree of Mafter of Arts at Cambridge, and kept
his public aft- " His Fath«r/' fays. Sir Henry
Wotton, " died with a very cold conceit of him ;
<« fome fay, through his affeftion to his fecond
^' fon Walter ' Devereux, who was indeed a
«' diamond of his time, and both of a kindly and
*^ delicate temper and mixture. But it feems,
<« the Earl, like c^tain vegetables, did bud and
<^ openilowly; Nature fometimes delighting to
" play
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»f^ play an Rftei=-game as well as Fortune, which
^^ had both their turjis and tides ii|i courfe/*
. This amiable and accompHflied Nobleman is
-th\)s defcribed by Sir He^ry Wpttpn:
*^ As he grew more and more attentive to
•* bufinefs, he became kfs curious of his dreft,
•* fb that thofe about him had a conceit, that
** ibmetimes when he went up to the Queen, he
** fcarce knew what he had on. For his manner
^^ of dreffing was this : his chamber being com-
*^ manly filled with friends or fuitors of one kind
** or other, when he was up he gave his legs,
^^ arms, and bread to his ordinary fervants^ to
^ button and drefs him with little heed, his head
<< and face to his barber, his eyes to his letlers,
♦* his cars to petitioners, and tnany times all at
*^ once. Thea the Gentleman of his robes
*^ throwing his cloke over his fhoulders, he
^ would make a ftep into his clofet, and after a
** fhort prayer he was gone. Only in his baths
♦^ he was fomewhat delicate."
Lord Eflex was a fcholar, and an extremely
elegant writer in profe and in verfe. His advice
to the Earl of Rutland on his travels is admirable,
and, from the excellent obfervations which it con<-
tains, may be ftill perufed with advantage and
inflfuftion.
N 4 Effex's
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a84 2ARL OF ESSEX.
Effex's Kberal behaviour to Lord Bacon will
ever endear his memory to all lovers of the writ-
ings of that great man : on Queen Elizabeth's
refufmg the place of Solicitor General to him,
though Lord Effex had importuned her very
much to give it to him, he fent for Mr. Bacon, and
told him, *' I know that you are the leaft part
** of your own matter, but you fare ill becaufe
^' you have chofen me for your mean and de-*
*^ pendance. You have fpent your time and
" thoughts in my matters. I die, if I do not
** fomewhat towards your fortune. You fliall
*' not deny to accept a piece of land, which I
*^ will bellow upon you/* Mr. Bacon anfwered,
^' that for his fortune it was no great mattei*,
*^ but that his Lordfliip's oflFer made him call to
^^ mind what ufed to be faid when he was in
*^ France of the Duke of Guife, that he was the
** greateft ufurer in that kingdom ; becaufe he
** had turned all his eftates into obligations,
*^ having left himfelf nothing, and to have only
** bound numbers of perfons to himfelf. Now,
" my Lord,'/ faid he, " I would not have you
** imitate this courfe, nor turn your eftate thus,
" by greateft gifts to obligations ; for you will
*^ find many bad debtors.'* The Earl bade him
lake no care for that, and preffed his offer ; upon
which Mr. Bacon faid, " I fee, my Lord, that I
*• milft be your homager, and hold land of your
" gift.
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EARL OF ESSEX. X85
*^ gift. But do you' know the manner of domjf
<« hornage in this land ? It is always with a faving
<« of his feith to the King and the other Lords ;
*' and therefore, my Lord, I can be no more
*' yours than I was, and it mull be with the
^* ancient favings ; and if I grow to be a rich
**, man, you will give me leave to give it bade
^ again to fome of your tmrewarded followers."
' *^ This land,*' fays Dr. Birch, in his enter-
taining Memoirs of <^een Elizabeth, ** was
^ Twickenham park and garden, which was fold
** afterwards for one thoufand eight hundred
** pounds, and was thought to be worth more.**
The hatred between Lord Eflex and Sir Wal-
ter Raldgh is well known : Sir Walter had
landed at F^I in the liland of Madeira, in dired
contradidlion to the precife commands of Lord
Effex, who commanded in that expedition j aAd
who, being preffed by fome perfons to bring him
to a Court Martial, nobly replied, " I would
** do it inraiediately, if he were my friend/'
Qneen Elizabeth was very irrefolute refpeding
the execution of Lord Effex. Her ^ride was hurt
at his not imploring her to pardon him.
When Effex was told by Dr- Barlow, that his
popularity had fpurred him on to his fate, and
that
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r86 ^EARi. OF ESSEX.
that the. people had. deceived him; he faid,
" True, Sir, a mau'a friends will fail him.; all
" popularity and truft in man is Vain, whereof
« myfeif have had late experience/'
Secretary Cecil aclpiowledged J that his Lord-
fcip faffered with ^feax patience and humility;
only (notwithftandii^g hi^ refolution that he muft
die) the conflift between the flefli and the fpirit
did appear thus far, that he was fain to be helped,^
ptherwife no man living conld pray more chrif-
tianly than he did*
MATTHEW PARKER,
AUCHBISHO? OF CANTERBURY*
This learned Man, the fecond Proteftant Arch*
biihop of Canterbury, was diftinguiflied by his
hatred to the Puritans, and by his extreme defire
to effefl: an uniformity of habits and of ceremo-
nies in the Church.
The two following Letters difplay the Arch-
bifliop's chai after to advantage : the firft fhews
his abhorrence of impofture ; and the other ex-
hibits a fpecimen of the fpirit and refolution with
which he oppofed innovation.
" SIR,
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MATTHEW ?AItKSR4 tSf
« MR,
^ 1 had rather you underftood a truth by my
** report in fuche matters wherein I am a doer,
** than by the uncertain fpeech of the Court. I
^ hare travailed much by myfclf, alone, for the
^ want of other Commiffioners, to trie out a
•* Feffejfion which was very emeftlie belecved and
^ fet forth, and by printe recondift and fpredd
^* without lycenfe. The two printers whereof,
♦* with others that fold thefe pamphlets, were
^* commytted to prifon. And if I had my will,
^* I would commytt fome of the principal aftreffes
♦* to pryfon, to learn them herl^after not to abufc
** the Queen's Majeftie's people fo bafely, ialfcly,
** and impudently. After I had by divers exami-
^ nations trycd out the falfehood, I required Sir
<* Rowland Hayward and Mr. Recorder of the
*^ City to be affiftant with me, who heard the
*' wench examined and confeffed, and plaied^her
*^ pranks before them. We had the father and
** the mother, by which mother this wench was
^' counfelled and fupported ; and yet would (he
♦* not confefs any thing. Whofe flubborneffe
'*^ we confidering, fent her to clofe prifon at
^* Weftminfter Gate ; where fhe remaineth,
** until her daughter and another maid of Loth*
^^ burie have openlie done their penance at Paul's
♦« Croffe, as it is ordered.
«
lam
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iSS MATTHEW PARKER;
** I am fo greeved with fuch diffemblers, that
*' I cannot be quiett with myfelf. I doo intend,
<« becaufe their bookes are fo fpredd abroade and
^ believed, to fet out a conftitation of the fare
^' falfehood* The tragedie is fo large that I might
*' fpend much time to trouble your Honor withal j
** but brieflie I have fent to your Lordftiip a copie
*^ of the vaine book, printed, and a copie of their
** confeffions at length. And thus knowing that
*' your Lordihip is at the Court, I thought good
** to fend to you, wifhing his Majeftie and all you
*^ wayting upon him, a profperous retorne. From
** my houfe at Lambeth, this Frydaie the 13th of
r Auguft,
*^ Your L. loving friend,
" Matthew Cantuar.**
^ To the Right Honnble my
*^ verie good Lordy the L.
** Treafurer of England J*
" SIR,
*' I retorne to your Honor agayn your letters,.
** by w^^ may be underftanded that ye have them
*' ready to execute your orders of the beft fort,
*' and of the moft part excepting a fewe Catylyns,
** who bi fufferance will infeft the whole Coll.
^ Whereupon, when King Edward's flatutes
♦* ftablifliedby his Counfell, delivered them bi his
** Vifitors,
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MATTHEW TARKEK* 1S9
•* Vifitors, the fame nowe bi the Queen's Majef-
** tie's Vifitours retoraed to theai, your orders
** of late^ with confent of the body of the Uni-
" verfity, the Queene's Highnefs pleafure fent to
^ them by my letter j you, the Chancellor, of
** the Privy Qouncill, and m fuch place and cre-
** dyt as ye be, would ye fuffer fo much autho/ity
** to be borne under foote by a bragging braynler
" head or two ? In my opinion, your confciencc
" fliall never be excufabid (I praye your charitie
** pardon my plainnes) ex intimo corde expurd con*
** fcientid coram Deo et Chrijlo ejus I fpeke, we
** mar our religion ; our circumfpeftion fo va-
" riable (as though it was not God's caufe which
** we would defend) maketh cowards thus to
** cocke over us. I do not like that the Com-
" miffioners letters fhould go to private Colleges,
*^ efpecially after fo much pafled. I muft faye
^' as Demofthenes anfwered, what was the chief
*' part in rhetorick, the fecond and the third ;
^^ Pronunciation, fayd he ; fo faye I, Execution,
**"'^ecution, execution of lawes and orders muft
" be the firft and the laft part of governance j
** although I yet admit moderators for tymes,
^^ places, multitudes, &C. and hereafter, for God's
^^ love never ftyr any alterations, Except it be
'" fairly meant to have' them eftablifhed. For
** or ellis we fhould hold us in no certaintye,
«« but be ridiculous to our adverfaries, and con-
*' temned
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tgo MATTHEW PARKER*
*^ temned of our own, and gyre the adventure
^ of more dangers. And thus yc muft pardon
•^ my boldnes. For my own part, I repofe my-
^ fdf in Jilentio et in fpe, et foriituda mea eji
^ Dtminusj howfoever the world fawneth or
** frowneth.
•* Your, in Chrift our Lord,
*« Matth. Cant/*
•* Ti> the Right Hmnhh
** Mr. Secretary.
^^ Oflober 8, 1555.
ARCHBISHOP WHITGIFT,
There is a very pretty little book in Frencbt
called " Great Events from Little Caufes,** by
M. Richer. He fuppofes the Peace of Utrecht
to have arifen from the Duchefs of Marlborough's
fpilHng fome water upon Queen Anne's gown.
In that very entertaining piece of biography
«« Sir George Paul's Life of Archbilhop Whit*
" gift,'* there is a trifling circumftance raentioiv
ed, which, in the opinion of a very acute and in^
tellig^nt Lady, perhaps gave rife to the fe£l of
the DiflTenters in England.
The
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ARCttiisHOP wktroirft tgt
The circumftance is this:— ^ The 6rft difcon-
" tentment of Mafter Cartwright (a Felk3w of
" Trinity College, Cambridge, and a cekbraled
** difptttant) grew at a p^iblick A£t in that Uni-
" verfity before Queen Elizabeth, becaufe Mafter
^ Prefton, (then of King's College, and after-
" wards Mafter of Trinity Hall,) for his comely
*' gefture and pleafing pronunciation, was both
" Uked jEuid rewarded by her Majefty, and him*
*' felf received neither reward nor commenda*
*^ tion, prefuming on his own good fcholarihip,
*' This his no finall grief he uttered unfo. divers
*' of his friends in Trinity College, who were
",alfo nnich difcQnt^ted^ becaufe. the honour
*' of the difputation did not redound unto theif
." College. Mafter Cartwright, immediately
" after her Majefty's riegleft of him, began to
*♦ trade into divers opinions, as that of the dit
" cipline, and to kick againft her Ecclefiaftipal
^* Government 5 and that he might the better
** feed his mind with novelties, he travelled to
*^ Geneva, where he was fo far carried away
** with an affieftion of their iiew-devifed dif-
^* cipline, as that he thought all Churehes an3
*• Congregations for Governments Ecclefiaftical
'* were to be meafured and fquared by the prapl
*' tice of Geneva. Therefore, when he returned
" home he took many exceptions agaijaft the
" eftablilhed Government of the Church of
5 - ' « England,
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191 ARCHBISHOP WHITOIFT*
** England, and the obfervation of its rites and
•^ ceremonies,"and the adminiftration of its Holy
*' Sacraments, and buzzed thefe conceits into
** the heads of divers young Preachers and
^ Scholars of the Univerfity of Cambridge, and
*^ drew after him a great number of difciples and
^ followers^ Cartwright afterwards diflurbs the
^ ftate of the Univerfity; is reconmiended to
<^ be quiet, but to no purpofe; and is at laft ex-
*' peiled, after having refufed to affift at a con-
** ference which Archbifhop Whitgift oflfered
** him. Cartwright afterwards publilhed, in
^ 1 591, a book of New Difcipline, for which
<^ he was proceeded againil in the Star Cham-
^ ber/'
Hooker, fpeaking of Archbifhop Whitgift,
lays, ** he always governed with that moderation
*^ which ufeth by patience to fupprefs boldnefs,
** and to make them conquer that fuflfer." The
Archbiihop was anxious that the Curates' ftipends
Ihould be raifed. His Biographer fays of him,
** In letting leafes of his impropriations, if he
** found his Curates' wages fmall, he would
•* abate much of his fine to increafe their pen-
** fions, fome ten pounds by the year, as Maid*
•^ ftone, &c."
** C^een Elizabeth," continues the Arch-
bifliop's Biographer, " told his Grace, that
" Ihe
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ARGHBlBKOP WHITOIFT. 1 93
** {he would have the difcipline of the Church
'^^ of England of all men duly to be obf^rved
*' without alteration of the lead cereifaonyj
*' conceiving that thefe Novelifts might have
*^ wrought the fame mifchief in her kingdom
" which the turbulent Orators of Sparta did in
*' that Commonwealth, fo wifely fettled by Ly-
^* curgus's Laws, which, whilft they took upon
** themfelves to amend, they mif<^ably defaced
" and deformed ; the inconvenience of which
*^ kind of reafoningthe Queen had taken out of
'^ the Greek Poet Aratus, who, when one afked
*^ him how he might have Homer's Poems free
*^ from faults and corruptions, replied. Get an
" old copy not reformed; for curious wits,
** labouring to amend things well done, com-
*' monly either quite mar them, or at leafl make
** them worfe/'
HENRY EARL OF ARUNDEL.
** This Nobleman,** fays Puttenham, " paff-
•* iiig from England towards Italie, by her Ma-
^* jeftie Queen Elizabeth's licence, was very
•^ honourably entertained at the Court of Bruf-
^* fells by the Lady Duchefs of Parma, Regent
** there. And fitting at a banquet with her,
VOL. I. o " (where
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194 HENRY EARL OF ARUNDEL.
** (where was alfo the Prince of Orange, vinth
" all the great Princes of the State,) the Earle,
** though he could reafonably well fpeake
** French, would not fpeak one French word,
" but all Englifh. Whether he afked any quef-
** tion or anfwered it, all was done by Truche^
*^ men (interpreters); infomuch as the Prince of
** Orange, marvelling at it, looked afide on
*^ that part where I ftood a beholder of all the
" feafte, and fayed, I marvel your Noblemen
*' of England doe not defire to be better lan-
*' guaged in the foreigne languages. This
" word was by and by repeated to the Earl
" again. Tell my Lord the Prince, quoth he,
" that I love to fpeak in that language in which
'^ I can beft utter my mind, and not miftake,''
SIR ROGER CHAMLOE.
** It is a notable tale,** fays Roger Afcham^
in his Schoolmafter, " that old Syr Roger
'' Chamloe, fometime Chiefe Juftice, would
" tell of himfelfe. When he was Auncieni in
" Inn of Court, certaine yong Jeixtlemen were
" brought before him to be correfted for cer-
** taine miforders, and one of the luftieft faydcy
" Sir, we be yong Jentlemen, and wife men
^ before
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\ '
SIR ROGER CHAMLOE. I95
*^ before Us have proved all facions, and yet
** thofe have done full well. This they fayd,
*' becaufe it was well known that Syr Roger
** had been a good felloe in his youth. But he
*' anfwered them very wifelie : Indeede (faith he)
" in youthe I was as you are now, and I had
** twelve felloes like unto myfelf, but not one of
*' them came to a good ende. And therefore,
** folowe not my example in youth, but folowe
•* my councell in age, if ever ye think to come
" to this place, or to theis yeares that I am
** come unto, leffe ye meet either with povcrric
*' or Tiburn in the way/*
ROGER ASCHAM.
u
^* Syr Richard Sackville, a worthie
*' Jentleman of worthie memorie, in the Queene*s
(Elizabeth) privie chamber at Windfore, after
" he had talked with me for the right choice of
" a good witte in a childe for leamyng, and of
** the treWe difference betwixt quicke and harde
*^ wittes ; of alluring young children by jentle-
*^ nefs to love learnyng, and of the fpeciall
** care that was to be had, to keepe young men
** from licentious livyng ; he was moft earneft
** with me, to have me fay my mynde alfo, what
02 I thought
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196 ROGER ASCHAM*
" I thought concerning the fenfie that many
*' young Jentlemen of England^ have to travell
" abroad, and namely to lead a long life in
^* Italic. His requeft, both for his authoritie
*' and good will toward me, was a fufEcient
*' commaundement unto me, to fatisfie his plea-
*• fure with utteryng plainlie my opinion in that
*^ matter. Syr (quoth I) I take goyng thither,
^ and livyng there, for a yonge Jentleman, that
** doth not goe under the kepe and garde of
•* fuch a man, as both by wifedome can, and
^ authoritie dare rewle him, to be marvelous
*' dangerous.*'
*' Tyme was,'* fays Afcham, in another part
of his learned and excellent Treatife of the
Schoolmafter, " when Italic and Rome have
*' bene, to the great good of us that now live,
." the .beft breeders and bringers up of the
^* worthieft men, not onlie for wife fpeakinge,
>^ but alfo for well doinge, in all civil affaires,
-*' that ever was in the worlde. But now that
'^* tyme is gone, and though the place remayne,
*« yet the olde and prefent manners do differ as
.'' farre as blacke and white, as virtue and vice^
** Virtue once made that countrie miftrefs over
^' all the world ; vice now maketh that countrie
.*^ flave to them, that before were glad to ferve
*^« it. Italic now, is not that Italie it was worn
9 " U>
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ROGER ASCHAM* - ^97.
" to be; and therefore now not fo fitte a place
'* as fome do counte it, for yong men to fetch
** either wifedome or honefty from thence. For
*^ fureKe they will make others but bad fcholers,
^* that be fo ill matters to themfelves/*
** If you think," fays this learned man in
another place, " that we judge amifle, and write
*^ too fore againft you, heare what th^ Italian
^* fayth of the Engliihman ; what the mafter
** r^)orteth of the fcholer, who uttereth plainlie
^* what is taught by him, and what is learned
*^ by you, faying, Englefe Italianato^ e un Diabolo
** incarnato : that is to fay. You remain men in
*' fhape and facion^^ but become Devils in life
" and converfation.
** I was once in Italle myfelf, but I jjiank
*' God my abode there was but nine dales ; and
" yet I fawe in that little tyme in one citie
" (Venice) more libertie to fmne, than I ever
" yet heard tell of in London in nine yeare.**
' Afcham thus, excellently illuftrates the dif-
ference between perfons of quick and of found
parts :
, ** Commotilie, men very quicke of witte be
^* alfo very light of conditions; and thereby very
•« rcadie pf difpofition to be carried over quick-
03 « lie
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1^8 ItOGER A^CHAM.
*^ lie by any light companie to any riot and un-r
** thriftineffe when they be young; and there-
*^ fore feldom either honeft of life, or riche in
^* living, when they be old. For quicke in wit
** and light in ttiannfers be either feldome
** troubled, or very foon wery, in carrying a
** vcrie hevi^ purfe. Quick wittes alfo be in
** moft part of all their doings over quick, baftie,
^* raihe, headie, and brainficke, Thefe two laft
*^ wordes, Headie and Brainficke, be fitte and
** proper wordes, riling naturally of the matter,
^* and tearmed aptlie by the condition of over
*' much quickneffe of witte.*'
*' They be lik^ trees, that fhew forth faire
*' blojOToms and broad leaves in fpring time, but
*^ bring out fmall and not long lafting fruit in
** harveft time, and that only fuch as fall and
*' rotte before they be ripe, and fo never or fel-
*^ dome come to any good at all. For this ye
^' ihall find moft true by experience, that amongft
^* a number of quicke wittes in youth, fewe b^
" found, in the end, either verie fortunate for
*' themfelves, or very profitable to ferve the
** Commonwealth, but decay and vanilh, men
*' know not which way, except a veri§ fewe, to
♦* w|iom peradventure blood ^d happy ps^rent-
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ROGER ASCHAM. 1 99
^^ age may perchance purchafe a long (landing
** upon the ftage/'
>
*' Contrariewife, a witte in youth that is not
<« over dulle, heavie, knottie, and lumpiflie, but
*^ hard, tough, and though fomewhat ftaffifhe (as
** Tullie wilheth, oiium quietum non languidum^
** et negotium cum labore^ non cum periculo) ; fuch
*^ a witte, I fay, if it be at the firft well handled
** by the mother, and rightlie fmoothed and
*' wrought as it fhould, not oveiwartlie, and
^^ againft the wood, by the fgholemaftier, both
*' for learning and hole courfe of living, proveth
*^ alwaies the beft. In woode and ftpne, not the
** fofteft but hardeft be alwaies apteft for por-
** traiture, both faireft for pleafure, and moft
<* durable for profit. Hard wittes be hard to
^^ receive, but fure to keepe } painful without
** wearieneffe, heedfiill without wavering, con-
*? ftant without newfangleneffe ; bearing heavy
" thinges, though not lightlie yet willingliej
" entring hard thinges, though not eafilie yet
" deeplic ; and fo come to that perfedneffe of
" learning in the end, that quick wittes feem in
^* hope, but do not in dede, or elfe verie feldome,
** ever attaine unto. Alfo, for manners and
^* lyfe, hard wittes commonlie are hardlie carried
^® either to defure everie newe thingCj^ or elfe to
04 " marvel
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too ROGER ASCHAH.
" marvel at everie ftrange thiage ; and therefore
*' they be careful! and diligent in their own njat-
" ters, not curious and -bufey in other men's
*' affaires, and fo they become wife themfelves,
" and alfo are counted honeft by others. They
** be grave, ftedfaft, filent of tongue, fecret of
** hart : not haftie in making, but conftant in
*^ keepinge any promife : not raflie in uttering,
*^ but ware (wary) in confidering every matter :
** and thereby not quicke in fpeaking, but deepe
** of judgement, whether they write or give
^ counfell in all weightie affaires. And theis be
^* the men that become in the ende both moft
" happie for themfelves, andalwaiesbeft efteemed
^ abrode in the world.*'
MR. PAGE.
In the golden days of good Queen Befs, thofe
halcyon days to which every Englifliman affefts
to look up with rapture, the punifhment for a
libel was fometimes ftriking off the hand of the
unfortunate offender. Mr. Page, who had writ-
ten a pamphlet upon the Queen's marriage with
the Duke of Anjou, fuffered that punifhment ;
and, according to that very elegant mifcdlany
the " Nuga Jntiqua^'* made the followbg manly
and
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MR. PAGE. 201
and fpirited fpeech upon the fcaffold before his
hand was chopped off.
/^^ Fellow-countrymen, I am come hither to
*' receive the law according to my judgment, and
** thanke the God of all ; and of this I take
^^ God to witnefs, (who knoweth the hartes of
" all men,) that as I am forrie I have offended
** her Majeftie, fo did I never meane harme to
" her Majeftie's perfon, crown or dignity, but
" have been as true a fubjefl: as any was in
*' England to the beft of my abilitie, except
** none. Then holding* up his right hand, he
^' faid. This hand did I put to the plough, and
** got my living by it many years. If it would
*' have pleafed her Highnefs to have taken my
*' left hand, or my life, Ihe had dealt more fa-
'' vourably with me ; for now I have no means
^' to live ; but God (which is the Father of u^
** all) will provide for me. I befeech you all,
** good people, to pray for me, that I may take
^* my punifliment patiently. And fo he laid
*' his right hand upon the block, and prayed the
** executioner to difpatch him quickly. At two
** blows his hand was taken off. So liftm^ up
** the bleeding (lump, and pointing to the block,
** he faid to the by-ftanders. See, I have left
*^ there a true Englifhman^s hand. And fo he
^* went from the fcaffold very ftoutly, and with
" great courage.'*
With
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Z02 JAMlfg THE FIRST.
With what indignation muft the unneceflary
cruelty of the punifliment, and the noble intre*
pidity of the fufferer, have afFefted the fpeftators
of this difgrace to juftice and humanity !
JAMES THE FIRST.
[1603— 1625,]
. On the devolution of the kingdom of England
to this Monarch, Henry the Fourth of France faid,
^* En veritSy c^ejl un trof beau morfeau pour u?t
^^ pedant.'-
The entrance of this Prince into England is
thus defcribed by Wilfon :
** But our King coming through the North,
*' (banqueting and feafting by the way,) the
♦* applaufe of the people in fo obfequious and
^' fubmiflive a manner (ftil admiring chang.
*^ was checkt by an honeft plain Scotfman (
*' ufed to hear fuch humble acclamations) wi
" a prophetical expreffion: This people will fpoyl
^' a gude King. The King ^s unyfed, fo tired
" with multitudes, efpecially in his hunting,
^^ ^which he di4 as h^ went), caufed an inhibit
** tion to be publilhed, to reftrain the people from
*^ hunting
ana
xnis
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JAMES THE FIRST. 203
^ hunting him. Happily being fearfiiU of fo
** great a concourfe as this novelty produced,
^^ the old hatred betwixt the Borderers, not yet
^^ forgotten, might make him apprehend it to
*^ be of a greater extent; though it was generally
*' imputed to a defire of enjoying hi3 recreations
** without interruption/'
James was extremely fond of hunting, and very
fevere againft thofe who difturhed him in the
purfuit of that amufement. " I dare boldly fay ,^*
fays Ofborn with fome fpleen, ** that one man
** in Ms reign might with more fafety have killed
" another than a rafcal deer ; but if a flag had
*^ been known to have mifcarried, and the author
" fled, a proclamation, with the defcription of
^^ the party, had been pref^tly penned by the
*' Attorney-General, and the penalty of bis Ma^
^' jefty's high difpleafure (by which was under^
*^ {lood the Star-chamber) threatened againft aU
^* that did abet, comfort, or relieve him : thus
** fatyrical, or, if you pleafe, tragical, was this
*' fylvan Prince againft deer-killers, and induU
" gent to man-flayers.-r^But, left this expreffion
** Ihould be thought too poetical for an hiftorian,
^* I fhall leave his Majefty dreffed to pofterity in
*' the colours I faw him in the next progrefe
*' after his inauguration, which was as green as
^* the graf^ l\e trod on, v^ith a feather in his cap,
<^ and
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a04 JAMES THE ^IRST.
" and a horn inftead of a fword by his fide; how
** fuitable to his age, perfon, or calling, I
^* leave others to judge from his pidures, he
"owning a countenance not in the leaft regard
** femblable to any my eyes ever met with, be-
** fides an hoft dwelling at Ampthill, fornierly'
*' a fliepherd, and fo metaphorically of the fame
profeffion/'
u
This Monarch was extremely profufe in his
prefents to his favourites. Sir Robert Cecil,
afterward Eslrl of Salifbury, his Treafurer, ac-
cording to Ofborn, in his Memoirs of the Life
of this Prince, took the following method to cor^-
refl: his extravagance :
'^ The Earl of Somerfet had procured from
** King. James a warrant to the Trcafury for
•* 2o,oodL who, in his exquifite prudence, find-
*• ing that not only the Exchequer, but that the
** Indies themfelves would in time want fluency
^ to feed fo immenfe a prodigality, and, not
*' without reafon, apprehending the King as
** Ignorant of the value of what was demanded,
** as of the defert of the perfon who begged it,
^ laid the former mentioned fum upon the
^ ground, in a room thrgugh which his Majefty
^^ was to pafs ; who, amazed at the quantity,
•** as a fight not unpoffibly his eyes never faw
^* before, alked the Treafurer whofe money it
" was?
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]AMES THE FIHaT. 2^$
** wats ? whe anfwercd, Yours, before you. gave
•^ it fiway. Thereupon th$ King fell into a
*^ pafficHi, protefting that he was abufed, ucrer
" iptendiaag any fuch" gift ; and, calling himfelf
'^ upon the heap, fcrabbled out. the quantity of
** two or three hundred pounds, and fwore he
*' ihoukl have no motfy** _
The King, on hearing a fermon In which there
was more of politics than of religion, a(ked Bilhop
Andrews what he thought of it, and whether it
were a fermon or not, " Pleafe your Majefty,*'
replied the Bifhop, " by very charitable con-
*' ftrudion it may pafs for a fermon**'
" James,^' accordihg to Wilfon, " in one of
*^ his fpeeches to the Star-chamber, took notice
*^ of thofe fwarms of Gentrie, as he i§ pleafed to
*^ call them, who, through the inftigation of their
*^ wives, or to new-model and fafhion their
'* daughters, (who, if they were unmarried,
" marred their reputations ; if married, loft their
" reputations, and robbed their hu(bands purfes,)
"** did negleft their country hofpitalitie, and ciim-
'' ber the city, (a general nuifance to the king-
" dom,) being as the fpleen to the body, which
*' as in meafure it overgrow^r, the body waftes ;
** and feeing that a proclamation would not keep
'^ them at home, he requires that the power of
" the
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io6 jameS th£ nti^t.
^ the Star-chamber may not only regulate theW ^
** but the exorbitancy of the new buildings about
•* the city, which he much repined at, as being
^ a flielter for them when they fpent their eftates
*^ in coaches^ lacqueys, and fine cloaths, likef
•* Frenchmen ; livhig miferably in their houfes,
*^ like Italians ; and becomdng apes to othet
•* nations; whereas it was the honour of the
•' Engliih nobility and gentry (above all coun-
** tries in the, world) to be hoTpitable amongft
*' their tenants ; which,'* added this Prince,
** they may better doe, by the fertility and abun*
•' dance of all things/'
** It was a hard queftion," fays Wilfon, ^' whe*
•* ther the wifdom and knowledge of King James
" exceeded his choler and his fear* Certainly
*' the laft couple drew him with more violence,
*^ becaufe they were not acquifitions, but natu-
'^ ral : if he had not had that alloy, his high
** towering and mattering reafon had been of a
^ rare and fublimed excellency/'
Into what degrading fituations his choler oc-
cafionally led him, the following paffage in WiU
fon will but too flrongly evince :
** One day at Theobalds the King wanted
^* fome papers that had relation to the Spaniih
*^ Treaty, fo hot in motion, which raifed him
^ highly
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James the^ first* ^07
** highly into the paffion of anger, that he fliould
*' not Iqiow what he had done with them, being
" things fo materiall, and of fuch concernment j
** and, calling his memory to a ftrift account^
** at laft he difcharged it upon John Gib, a
" Scotchman, who was of his bed-chamber, and
" h^d been an old fervant to him. Gib is called
*' for in hafte, and the King aflces him for the
*^ papers he gave him. Gib, coUe^ng himfelf/
*' anfwered the King he received no papers from
** him. The King broke into extreme rage, (as
^* he would often when the humor of choUer
'' began to boyle in him,) protefting he had
*^ them, and reviling him exceedingly for deny-'
*' ing them#; Gib threw himfelf at the King*^
" feet, protefting his innocency, that he never
*' received any, and defired his life might make
" iatisfafUon for his fault if he were guilty.
*^ This could not calme the King's fpirit, toffed
'' in this tempeft of paffion ; and, overcharged
** with it, as he paffed by Gib (kneeling) threw
** fome of it upon him, giving him a kicke with
*' his foot; which kicke infefted Gib, and turn-
*' ed his humility into anger; for, rifing inftant-
** ly, he faid, ' Sir, I have ferved you from my
*' youth, and you never found me unfaithfuU ; I
** have not deferved this from you, nor can I live
** longer with you with this difgrace. Fare ye
" well, Sir, I will never fee your face more.'
" And
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CLo8 ]AUM tHE nftsr*
^ And away he goes from the King's prefence,
" took horfe and rode towards London, Thofe
** about the King put on a fad countenance to
^* fee him difpleafed, and every man was inqui-
" fitive to know the caufe. Some faid the King
" and Gib were fallen out, but about what?
•* Some papers of the Spanilh Treaty the King
^* had given him cannot be found. Endymion
** Porter, hearing it, laid, * The King gave me
** thofe papers;* went prefently^ and brought
•' them to the King ; who, being becalmed, and
** finding his error, called inftantly for Gib.
** Anfwer was made, He was gone to London.
^* The King hearing it, commanded with all ex-
^* pedition to fend poft after him, to bring him
** back, protefting never to eate, drinke, or
^* fleepe, till he faw Gib's face. The meflenger
^ overtooke him before he got to London ; and
^ Gib, hearing the papers were found, and that
** the King fent for him with much earneftneffe,
** returned to the Court; and, as foon as he
^ came into the King's chamber, the King
** kneeled down upon his knees before Gib, in-
** treating his pardon with a fober and grave
•* afpeft, protefting he would never rife till Gib
^ had forgiven him ; and thougb Gib modeftly
♦^ declined it with fome humble excufes. yet It
•* would not fatisfie the King, till he heard the
** words of abfolution pronounced. So ingenious
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JAMES ^THE JPIItdT. ^09
^ J^^ he !n this piece of paffion, which* had its
^' fuddaine variation from a ftem and furious
^^ anger to a foft and melting affedtion, which
^' mude Gib no jiofer by the bargained' — The
Hifiory of Great Britain^ containing the Life and
itsign of King James the Firji. By Arthur
'Wilson, ^. Folio. i^S'^*
*' A new incroachment upon the Sabbath*/*
iays Wilfon, " gave both King and People more
*' liberty to profane the day with authority ; for
** if the Court were to remove on Monday, the
** King's carriages muft go out the day before :
*^* air times were alike ; and the Court being to
** remove to Theobalds the next day, the car-
•* riages went through the City of London on the
** Sabbath, with a great deal of clatter and noife
*^ in the time of divine fervice. The Lord Mayor,
^* hearing of it, commanded them to be ftopt j
*' and this carryed the officers of the carriages
** with a great deal of violence to the Court; and
** the bufmefs being prefented to the King with
** as much afperity as men in authoritie (crofled
«*' in their hunaors) could exprefs it, it put the
"** jBang into a great rage, fwearing, he thought
^' there had been no more Kings in England
** blit himfdf} y^, after he was a little^cooled,
* Book of Sports, put foF^K by prpclamatiqn in 161 7,
the £fteenth year of the reign of this Priace^
, voh^u p ^ he
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cc
4C
iXO JAMES THE FIRST.
** he fcnt a warrant to the Ldrd Maior, Cdrtl-'
** manding him to let them pafs, which he
*' obeyed, with this anfwer : ^ While it was irt
my power, I did my dutyj but that being
taken away by a higher power, it is my duty
to obey/ Which the King, upon fecoird
•* thoughts, took well, and thanked him for it/'
James, by a proclamation in the feventh year
of his reign, on the mature deliberation of his
Council, forbad all new buildings within ten
zniles of London; and commanded, that if in
fpite of this ordinance there fhould be any f^
up, they fhould be pulled down, though notice
was not taken of them till feven yeafs afterward.^*
At the fug^geftion, however, of Archbifhop Ban^
croft, James did not oppofc the building of ,a
College at Chelfea*, " wherein,'* fays Wilfon,
^' the choiceft and ableft fchokrs of the king-;
" dom, and the moft pregnant wits in matters
** of controverfy, yirere to be aflbciated under a
^' Provoft, with a free and ample allowance not
* The fite of this College is now the Royal Hofpital at
Chelfea. The College was abandoned foon after the death
of Bancroft ; " the King/* fays Wilfon, " wifely coniideiv^
*^ ing, that nothing begets more contention than oppofition^
*< and that fuch fuelkrs as the Profeflbrs of k wotdd be apt
<^ to inflame rather than quench; the heat that wouM arife
«* from thofe embers,"
The Pkn and Expence of Chelfea Ccdlege are faid to
have been Dr« SutcUffe'st /
tt exccding
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JAMES THE FIRST. 2H
*^ exceeding three thoufand pounds a year,
^' whofe defign was to anfwer sJl Popiih Priefts
** and others that vented then* malignant fpirits
<« againft the Prpteftant religion."
; ^* In the reign of this Prince/' fays Wilfon,
^* England was not only manM with Jefuits, (all
** power failing to oppofe them,) but the women
** alfo began to praftife the trade, calling them-
^* felves Jefuitrices. This Ordet was firft fet
" afoot in Flanders, by Miftres Ward, and
^ Miftres Twittie, twa Englifh gentlewomen,
*• who clothed themfelves in Ignatian habit, and
*^ were countenanced and fupported by Father
^« Gerrard, Reftor of the Englifli College at
** Leige, with Father Flack, and Father More,
^ "But Father Singleton, Father Benefield, and
*' others, opjiofed them, and would riot blefs
** them with an Ite pradicate^ for their defign
'<« was to preach the Gofpel to their fex in Eng-
" land. And in a fhort time this Miftres Ward
*' (by the Pope's indulgence) became the Mo-
^i ther-generall of no lefs than two hundred
^^ Englifh damfels of good birth and quality,
" whom fhe fent abroad to preach, and they
" were to give account to her of their apbftoUck
" labours.*'
V CL
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C 2i2 2
. ELIZABETH,
JPRIHCESS PALATINii*
The original of the following Letter of .thij
unfortunate Princefs, daug|ht^r of J?imes tjje
Firft, King of England, is in the CoUeftion of
Royal Letters in the Britifli Muftum.
" SIR, : • '"
*^ I have req^Ted your ^nd ktt^ and learned
^^ difcourfe with much contepitement. Indeed,
^ wc have fuffered much wrong in this world,
^ yet I complain .not at it, becaufe when God
/Vpleafeth we fhall have right. In the mean
*^ time, I am much beholden to you for your
*' good affeftion, hoping you will not bQ wearie
*' to continue your friendlie offices towards me,
^ in the place where you .fitt, which fhall never
** be forgotten by
" Your moil zjSkrod friend^
" Elizabeth.
»
« To Sir Simonds D'Eues, &c. &c,
«♦ Haghe, zi Auguft, 1645."
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C a»3 3
LADY ARABELLA STUART.
** The great match that was lately ftolen be-
^' twixt the Lady Arabella * and young Beau-
^^ champ t> provides them both of fafe lodgings :
^ the lady clofe prifoner at Sir Thomas Perry*^
^ houfe at Lambeth, and her hufband in th^
" Tower. Melvin, the poetical Minifter, weli
^ comed him thither with this diftich :
** Communis tecum tmhi caufa eft carcefis* Jlr(^m^
<* f-^Bella tibi caufa ejiy araquefacra rmhu
« Wynwoi^e's State Papers!*
Lady Arabella efcaped from her confinemient,
and got on board a French velTel beyond GraveC*
end.
In a letter of Mr. More to Sir Ralph Winwood,
it is faid, *^ Now the Kyng and the Lords being
** much difturbed with this, unexpefted accident,
" my Lord Treafurer fent orders to a pinnace
* Lady Ai^b^ was the daughter of Charles Stuart,
younger brother to James the Firft's father.
. f Sir William Beauchamp, fon of Edward Lord BeatN
champ, and grandfon to the Earl of Hertford. He was
made Governor to *^ Charles the Second wlien Prince of
Wales, jmd create ktarquis of Hckford hj Charles the
Rtft. / i: ^ - -
P3 "that
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^14 LADY ARABELLA StUART.
** that lay at the Downes to put prefently to fea^
** firft to Calais Roade, and then to fcoure the
** coaft towards Dunkirke* This pinnace fpying
" the aforefaid French bark, which lay lingering
*^ for Mr. Beauchamp, made to her, which there-
** upon oflFered to fly towards Calais, and endured
*^ thirteen fliot of the pinnace before fhe would
*' ftryke. In this bark is the Lady taken, with
" her followers, and brought back towards the
" Tower; and not fo forrye for her own reftraintj^
** as fhe fhould be glad if Mr. Seymour might
** efcape, whofe welfare fhe protefleth to aflFeft
** much more than her own.*'
Lady Arabella became afterwards difordered
in her mmd, and died in confinement*
ANNE,
COUNTESS OF DORSET, PEMBROKE) AND MONTGOMERY.
Of this extraordinary perfon* Dr. Donne ufed
to fay, that fhe knew every thing, from predefli-
natioH to flane-filk. The Portrait of her in fhe
Caflle of Skipton in Craven, reprefents her in
the midfl of her Jjbrary, in which are Hickes on
Providence and Cornelius Agrippa- She has
been
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ANNE, COUNTESS OF DORSET. 215
been long known in the world for her fpirit and
intrepidity* .
The following Memoirs of the early part of
her life have a claim to our curiofity, as having
been written by her, and as exhibiting a very
ftriking pi£ture of the fimplicity of the manners
of the times in which fhe lived, and difplaying
the naivete of her own chsu-adert They are now
printed for the firft time^
** IN THE YEARE OF OUR LORD
" 1603.
^* In Chriftmas I vfed to goe much to the
'* Court, and fpmetymes did lye in my Aimt of
^* Warwick's chamb' on a pallet, to whom I was
^^ much bound for hir continuall care and lou^ of
** me : in fg much as if Oueene Elizabeth ha^
^ lined, fhe intended to have prefered me to be
*^ of y*" priuie chamber ; for at that tyme ther
** was as much hope and expedation of me both
^* for iny perfon and my fortunes as of ?iny other
^\ yeonge hdy what foeven
<* A little after the Queene remoued to Ritch*
^^ mond flie began to grow ficklie ; I ^^s a^
«' my La: vfed to goe often thither ^^^"3 yeeres
^^ andcariedmew*** hir in the coach, old and 2
« and vfeinge to wait in the coffer ^^''^^^ ^^^^
i^ (phamb^r, and many tymes came Richard Sack*
■ - ^ P4 ^' home
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tl6 ANNB, COUNTESS Of DORStr.
" home veric late. About fhc^i^^
" or 22**" of March my Aunt o#
" Warwicke fent my mother word
^^ about 9 of y' dock at night, flie
^' lieingc then at Clerkenwell^y' ihd
" fhould remove to Auften Friers
*' hir hotifi^for feare cxf fome com^
" otion, thought God in his mercie
" did deliuer vs from it. Upport
«« the 24'** Mr, Hocknell, my Aunt
" of Warwick's man, brought us
*< word from his La: that the
*' Quecne died about 4 of y* clock
in themorneinge. This mefiage was delivered
" to my mother and me in the fame chamber
^* wher afterwards I was married. About 10 of
^ the clock Kinge James was proclaimed in
•* Cheapfide by all y*^ Counfell w'** great joy
^ and triumphe, which triumphe I went to fee
^ and heare.
vflle was Juft
14 ycercfl old,
he beinge then
at Dorlet
Hoiife w'** his
grrandfathef
and that great
familie. Aty^
death" of this
worthy
Queene my .
mother and I
laie at Auftin
Friers in the
fame chamber
wher after-
1;rards I 'was
married.
4C
The feft tyme
the Kinge fent
to the Lords
in Eng : he
gaue comaund
3iat the Earles
of Northum-
berland and
Cumberland
the Lo : Tho,
Jioward and
▼• Lo: Mount-
toy lhQuI4 hi
^' This peaceable comeinge in
*« of the Kinge was vnexpefted of
" all forts of people. W^in 2 or
" 3 daies we returned to Ckrken
<' well againe. A little afiber this
<« C^ene Elizabeth's corpis came
^' by night in a barge from Ritch-
" mond to Whithall, my mother
♦* and a great companie of Bidies
attendmg
(€
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ANKE, COUNTBSS OP DORSET. 217
♦* attending it, wher it continued »^^ ^^ the
«^ a good whil ftandxnga in the ° ^
^ drawinge chamber^ wher it was watched all
^ night by feuerall Lo: and Ladies ; my mother
** fittinge vp w^*" it a or 3 nights ; but my La;
*' "irould not giue me leaue to watch by reafon
** I was heaid too yeonge. At this tyme we
<* vfed to goe verie mutch to Whithall, and
•^ walked mutch in the garden, w*'*' was much
*' frequented w*** Lords and Ladies, being all full
•* of feuerall hopes, euerie man expeftinge moun-p
** taines and findinge mole hills, exceptinge S'
^ Robert Cicill and y* houfe of the Howards,
** who hated my mother, and did not much loue
♦* my aunt of Warwicke,
** About this tyme my Lo: of Southampton
^€ was enlarged of his emprifonmqnt out of the
^^ Tower. When the corps of Queene EHz;
i« Queene Elizabeth had continued the 28 of
♦* at w hithall as longe as the Coun- Aprili beinge
^* fell had thought fit, it was caried " ^^*
♦« from thence w^** great folenjnitie to Weftmin--
** fter, the Lords and Ladies goinge on foot to
*' attend it, my mother and my aunt of Warwick
♦^ being mourners, but I was not albwed to be
♦* 6ne becaufe I was not high enoughe, w*^*" did
^ mutch trouble me then ; but yet I flood in the
^ church at Weftminfter to fe the folemnitie
^ performedt
^' A little
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ai8 ANNJB, COUNTiESS OF DORSE t#
^^ A little after this my Lady and a great dcale
^' of other companie, as M" Elizab; Bridges,
^^ my La: Newton and hir daughter, my La:
<« Finch, went downe w'^ my aunt of Warwicl;
^' to North hall, and from thence we all went to
" Tifebals to fe the Kinge, who vfed my mother
<* ai^d my aunt very gratiouflie ; but we all few
*« a great chaung^ betwef ne the fefhion of the
" Court as it was now, and of y^ in y* Queene*s,
*' for we were all lowzy by fittinge in S' Tho«
^* mas Erfldn's ch?imber.
A difpute ben " As the Khige came out of
of^Cumber- ' ^' Scotland, when he lay at Yeorke,
land & the L'** " ther was a ftrifFe betweene my
Sj^^n?thr^ '' ^^^^^ ^d toy Lord Burleighe,
fwQrd before " who was then Prefident, who
York, ^af. *^ fliould carie the fword ; but it
judged in fa- « was adiudged one my father's
Earl/ ^ *^ ^^^> becaufe it was his office
♦« by inheritaunce, and fo is lineally de|en4e4
^ on me.
" From TibbalU the Kinge went to Charterer
*' houfe, wher my Lo: Tho: Howard was
^^ created Earle of Suffolke, and my Lo: Mo^t-
*' ioy Earle of Deuonfhire, and reftored my Lo \
^^ of Southampton and Eflex who flood attaint-
" edj likewife he created many Barrons^ampngft
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AJfNE, COUNTESS OF DORSET. ^19
*^ w**" my vnckle Ruffel tp^s made Lo: Ruflell
^« of Thomey ; and for KLnights, they weare hy
" nuem^rnbk,
*' All this Springe I had my health verie wdl,
*^ My father vfed to conte fome tymes to vs at
*^ Clerken well, but not often ; for he had at
*' this tyme, as it weare, whollie left my mpther ;
" yet the houfe was kept ftill at his charge,
^* About this tyme my aunt of Bath and hir
*^ Juord pame to London, and brought w^** them
** my Lo: Fitzwaren and my cozen Fraunces
*5 Bourcher, whom I mett at Bagfliot, wher Hay •
*' all night w'*^ my cozen Fraunces Bourcher and
" Mrs, Marie Carie, yf""^ was the.firft beginnings
** of the greatnes betweene vs. About 5 mile
^^ from London ther mett them, my mother, my
^* Lo: of Bedford and his La: my unckle Ruflell
*' and much other companie, foe that we weare
^' in number about 300, w*''' did all aecompanie
** them to Bath Houfe, wher they continued
** moft of that fommer, whether I went dailie
*' and vilited them, and grew more inward w^^
^^ my cozen Fraunces and MrSt Cary,
** About this tyme my aunt of Warwick went
*^ to meete the Queene, haueinge Mrs, Bridges
«< ^th hij.^ jmd jj^y [^coufin] Anne Va,uifor } my
*^ mother
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MO ANKE, COUNTESS OF DORSET*
** mother and I Ihould have gone w'** them, but
•* that hir horfes, w*"** fhe borrowed of Mr. Elmes
" and old Mr. Hickley, weare not ready ; yet I
•^ went the fame night and ouertpoke my aunt
*^ at Ditten Hanger, my Lady Blunt's houfe,
*^ wher my mother came the next day to me
** about noone, my aunt bemg gone before.
*^ Then my mother and I went on o' iomey to
•^ ouertake hir, and kild 3 horfcs that day w**»
*^ extreamitie of heate, and came to Wreft, my
•^ Lord of Kent's houfe*, where we found the
*^ dores (hutt, and none in the houfe but one
^ fervaunt, who only had the keyes of the hdl,
♦* fo that \(re weare enforced to lie in the hall all
** night, till towards momeinge, at w'^'* tyme
^^ came a man and lett vs into the higher roomes,
^^ whet we flept 3 or 4 bowers.
** This morneingcwehafted away betyme, and
♦* came that night to Rockingham Caftle, wher
*^ we ouertooke my aunt of Warwick and hir
*^ companie, wher we continued a day or two
<6 ^th q\^ jgr E^iward Watfon and his Lady.
*^ Then we went to my La: Nedums, who once
*^ ferued my aunt of Warwick, and from thence
*^ to a fitter of hirs whofe name I haue forgotten,
^* Thither came my La: of Bedford, who was
♦ In Hertford/hire, the feat at this time of Lady Hirin
wickcy the reprefentative of the Kent family.
7 « then
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AKK£^ .COtJK^ESiS Of DORSET. SLU
^ then< fo great a woman w^^ the (^eene ws
** euerie body pi\«:h refpefted hir, (he haueinge
*' attended the Queene from out of Scotland.
^' The next day we went to M'* Griffin o£
*' Dinglies, w'^^ was the firft tyme I euer faw the
** Queene ?ind Prince; H^nrie, wher fhe kiffed vs
*^ all, and vfed vs kindly. Thither came my
*^ La: of SufFplk, my yeonge La: Darby, suad
*^ my La: Walfmgham, w'^** 3 Ladies wear the
" great fauorits of S'- Robert Sicill. That night
s^ we went alonge w^^ the C^eene*s traine, ther
** beinge an infinit companie of coaches ; and,
^ as i take it, my aunt and my mother and I
** lay at S'* Ritchard Knightlies, wher my La;
^' EKz. Knightly made exceedinglie much of vs.
^ The fame night my mother and I, and my
^ coz. Ann Vauifor rid on horfeback throw
** Couentrie, and went to a gentleman's houfe
** wher y*" La: Eliz. hir grace lay, w*'^ was thd
^* firft tyme I ever faw hir, my La: Kildare and
*^ y* La: Harington being hir gouemeffes. The
" fame night we returned to S'* Ritchard
^ Knightlies. .
<^ The next day, as I take it, we The CJueenc
.. .1 k .!_ ^ ^^^ Prince
*' went alonge w ^ the Queene to ^^me to At
" Althroppe, my Lo : . Spencers thorpc the 23
" houfe, wher my mother and I faw s^eTaV^^'but
*^ my cozen Henne Clifford, my as I remember
unckle's
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ftii A>iN£, CatTKfTESS dP ^DORSET,
flay aunt of
Warwick, my
ihother and 1,
came not thi-
ther till the
next day, w^^
Sunday i^a^
kept w''* great
folemhitie,ther
beinge an infi-
uit number of
jLords and La-
iie8# Heere
we law my
coz. Clifford
firft. Heere
we - faw the
Queentsfauore
to my La:
Hattonandmy
La: Cicill; for
flie ihewcd noc
fauore to the
elderly La« :
but to my La:
Jtich and fuch
like companie*
" unckle*& fon, wf^'was the fiiA
*' tyme we euer few him.
" From thence y* 27, beinge
" Munday, the Queene went to
" Hatton Fermers, wher the Kinge
" mett hir, wher ther wear an infi-
" nit companie of Lords and La r
" and other people, that the coun-
" trie could fcarfe lodge them.
" From thence the Court re'-
" moued and wear banquetted w*^
" great royaltie by my father at
" Grafton, wher the King and
" Queene weare entertayned w*
'* fpeeches and delicat prefents, «t
" w'^ tyme my Lord and the AK
** lexanders did run a courfe at y^
** feild, wher he hurt Hen: AUexander verie
*' dangeroullie. Where the Court lay this n%ht
*' I am vncertaine.
*' At this tyme of the King's being at Graf-
*^ ton, my mother was ther, but not heald as
*' Mrs. of the houfe, by reafon of y* difference
** betweene my Lo: and hir, w^** was growen to
*• a great height.
« The
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A'^rtlK, COUNTESS OF DORSET. ^ftj
^« The lught after, my aunt of Warwick, my
« mother, and I, as I take itj lay' at HoStot
«^ Challeners, (wher my aunt of Bath and my
*' unckle Ruffell mett vs, w"*" houfe my grand-
^<* father of Bedford vfed to lie much at,) being
«' in Amerfom.
« The next day the Queene went to [a]
** gentleman^ hpufe (whofe name I can not re^
, " membO wher ther mett hir many great LadieS
« to kifs her hands; as, the Marquefs of Win-
" cheft% my La: of Northumberland, my Laj df
** Southampton, &c*
" From thence the Court re- ^t Wind&r
*' moued to Windfor, wher the an infinlt
" Feaft of St. George was folem- number of La-
" nifed^thougheitfliouldhauebin the Q^ privy
" don before; ther I flood w'*" my chamber as
" La: Eliz: grace in the fchrinQ.in ^/ ^^ dkccmc
** the great Hall at Windfor, to fc or credit.
« the Kinge and all the Knights t^m/Lafof
" fit at dinner^ Thither came the Bedford to be
*' Archduk'sEmbaflador,whowas the' good for-
*' receaved by the Bange and tunetomifsit.
^ Queene in the great Hall, wher ther was fuch
** an infinit companie of Lo: and La: and fo
** great a ^ourt as I think I fhall neuer fethe
•* like. From Windfor the Court At Hampton
'' remoi^d to, Hampton. Court, ^^"^^ ""^ ^
6 *^ wher
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limtW, my « ^htr ,my moAef and I lay at
Ser * Ladtt " Hampton C^uft in oAe of th^
tdined in the <« round towers, Tound about w''*'
?hey " vfe/' in ^^ weate tents, wher they died i or
Qucene EUzat ^« 3 a day of y*' plague* Ther I
Sftome^Vfted ** f^U extfeamely ficke of a feuer^
not longc. ^« fo as my mother was in fome
tyme^my^L: *' d6ubt.it might turne to the
o£ Hertford << plague j h^^i W'**in i or 3 dales
^fr^wti^X " Igrewr^afonnablewell^andwas
<^and the Ci^ > •' fent a\yay to my coz: Studalls at
jrore her pic u Norburie^ M"- Carington go-
*' inge w^** me ; for M'** Taylor
*^ was newly put away from me, hir hulband
*^ dieinge of the plague fliortly after.
*^ A litle afor^ tWs tyme my mother and I>
^ my aunt of [^tth^ and my cozen Fraunces
** went to North hall, (my mother being ex-
*' tre^me angrie w* me for rideinge before w^**
<« M|'* Meuerell,) wher my mother in hir anger
*' comaunded yM fliouid lie in a chamber alone,
*' w*** I could not endure J but my cozen
*' Fraunces got the key of my chamb' and lay
<« ^Xh jj^g^ ^Ch ^j^g £j^^ gj.|J. ^j^^ J jQyg^ hjj. fp
** verie well.
*? The next day Mr. Meuerell as he went
; ** abroade felle do^ne fuddainly and died, foe as
*^ mofl thought it was of the plague, w""*" was
" then
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AKNE, COUNTESS OF DORSET. ^25
*^ then verie riffe. It put us all in great feare
" and amafement, for my aunt had then a fute
*' to follow in court, and my mother to attend
*^ the Kinge about the bufines betweene my fa-
** ther and hir. My aunt of Warwike fent vs '
^^ medicines from a litle houfe* neare Hampton
•^ Court,. wher fhe then lay w'*» S' Moyle Finch
** and his La:
** Now was the Mafter of Orckney, and the
" Lord Tillebarne much in Ibue w'** M"* Gary,
" and came thither to fe us, w*** George Murrey
*' in their companie, who was one of the Kinge's
f« bed chamber. W *^in 9 or 10 dales we weare
** allowed to come to the Court againe, w*"^ was
** before I went to my cozen Studalls.
" Uppon the 2$^^ of July the Kingp and
*' Queene weare crowned at Weftminfter ; my
" father and my mother both attended them in
** their robes^ my aunt of Bathe aiyl my unckle
** Ruflell ; w*** folemne fight my mother would
<* not let me fe, becaufe the plague My cdzen
" was fo hott in London, Ther- chTr^'ftooT'^to
♦^ fore I continued at Norburie; fee the corp-
" wher my cozen did fo feed me Jfe'Tad^^^^
«« w^h breakfafts and peare pies, robes, and
•^ and fuch things, as fhortlie after "^^1^1 *'
▼ r 11 • /• 1 monglt tne
*^ I fell mtO # * # # # ficknes. companie,
VOL. !• a ** After
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^26 AKNE, COtJl^tESS OF 60RSE*f^ '
" After the coronation the Court retumecl ttf
*^ Hamptoh Court, whet my mother fetched me
** from Norburie, and fo we lay at a litle houfe
*^ neere Hampton Court about a fortnight, and
*' my aunt of Bath lay in Huggens lod^ins,
" wher my cozen Fraunces and I and Mary
** Cary did vfe to walk much about the gardens
*' and houfe when the Kinge and Queene was
** gone.
** About this tyme my cdzen Ann Vauifo*
*' was married to S' Ritchard Warberton.
*' From Hampton Court my mother, my aunt
*' of Bath, my felfe, and all o' companie went to
Betweene « Launce-leuell, S'Fra: Palmes his
anT"Mf.^r)ti. " houfe, wher we contintted as
Ions we lay at •' loiige as the Court lay at Bafling
mond %etd?' " ^^^^^^ ^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^*^^ ^^
places called ** the Queene and my La: Arbella:.
. Befileflee,
wher we had* n-. i.
great enter- Now was my La: Ritch
taynement. cc •growen great w^^ the Queene, in
night or 2 [atl '^ ^^ much as my La: of Bedford
Wantage at " was fomethinge out w^** hir, and
We^bs^"a ten- " when ftie came to Hampton CouFt
nantofmyLo: " was entertaynedbuteuenindiffe-
of BatiA^ and .. ^^^^]^ ^^ ^^ continued to be
irom his houlc ' '
toMr.DuIons. " of y^ bed chamb'. One day the
^' Queene went from Bafeinge Stoack suid dined
^ at
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ANNE, COUNTESS OF BORSET* aij
** at S' Hen: Wallups, wher my Lady, my iaunt
*' and I, had layen 2 or 3 nights before, and did
** healpe to entertayn hir*
" As we rid from my La: Watlups to Lance-
*' leuell, rideinge late, by reafon of our ftay at
*' Bafmg ftoke, we faw a ftraunge comet in the
" night, like a cannopie in the aire, w'*" was a
** thinge obferued ouer all England,
" ^rom Lajice-leuell we went, as appears in
** the marginall note in the 9^^ leafe [*], to M'.
** Dulons, wher we continued about a weeke
** and had great entertaynement. And at that
*^ tyriie kept a faft by reafon of the plague, w*^**
** was then generally obfelrved ouer all England*
*^ Prom M^ Dulons we weiit to Barton to one
*^*^ M". Dqrmers, wher M'*. Hampfliire, hir mo-
^* ther, and (he, entertayned vs w^*^ great kindnes.
^* From thence we went o^en to the Court at
^' Woodftock, wher my aunt of Bath followed
*' her fute to the Kinge, and my mother wroat
*' ieirs to the Kinge, and hir means was by my
** Lo: Fenton, and to the Queene by my La: of
" Bedford^ My father at this tyme followed
*' hir [his] fute to y*" Kinge about the border
*' lands ; fo that fometymes my mother and he
[* Sec the preceding Page.]
0^2 «« did
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22$ AKNE, COUNTESS OF DORSET.
*^ did meet by chatince, wher ther countenance'
" did (hew the diflik they had one of y* other i
" yet he would fpeak to me in a flight fafluon,
'^ and giue me his bleflinge.
Not longc be-
fore Michael-
mas my felf,
my cozen
Frauncis Bou',
Mrs. Good-
win & Mrs.
Hauknge
waitinge on
vs, went in
iny mothera
coach from
Barton to
Cookam,
wher my unc-
kle Ruffell &
his wif and his
fon then lay.
From thence
y« next day we
went to None-
fuch, wher
Prince Henrie
and hir Grace
lay, wher I ^
flayed about a
week, and left
my cozen Fr:
ther, who was
purpofed to
continue w^^
hir grace ; but
I came back
by Cookam &
came to Bar-
ton before my
aunt of B^th
^ While we layheere we rid
thorough Oxford once or twife,
but whither we Wegit I rememb'
not. Ther we law the Spannifh
EmbaflaJor, whp was then new
come intb England about the
peace- \^hile we lay at Barton
1 kept fo ill a diet w^^ M". Mary
Caty and M'* Hinfon in eatinge
fruit fo as I fell fliortly after into
# # # # # ficknes*
*' From this place my aunt of
" Bath, haueinge little hope of hir
*' fute, tooke hir leaue of my mo-
** ther, and returned into the weft
'* cuntrie. While they lay at Bar-
*' ton my mother and my aunt
'' payed tor the charge of the houfe
'* equallie.
^ Some weeke or fortnight after
** my aunt was gone, w''*' was about
" Michaelmas, my La: went from
" Barton to Greenes Norton, and
^ lay one night at my cozen ThoJ
^* Sellengers,.
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ANNE^ COUNTESS OF DORSET. 22g
** Sellengers, wher we faw old M'. went into the
*^ HickUn, wher he and his daugh-
** ter preferd William Pond to fearue my Lady.
** To this place we came about lo of y* clock
** in the night, and I was fo wearie as I could
** not tell whether I fhould fleepe or eate firft.
^^ The next day we went to North-hall, wher
*^ we found my aunt of Warwick fomething ill
*' and melancholy ; flie hir felfe had not bin
*' ther paffinge a moneth, but lay at S' Moyle
^' Fmches in Kent, by reafon of the great plague,
4< w*"^ was then much about North-hall.
^^ Not longe after Michaellmas my unckle
^^ Ruffell, my aunt Ruffell his wife, their fon,
" my Lo: of Bedford, my mother, and I, gaue
" all allowance to M'. Chambers, my aunts
" Steward, in w*^^ fort the houfe was kept du»
^' ringe o' being ther. I vfed to weare my haire*
" cullered veluet gowne.euerieday, and learned
^' to fmge and play on the bafs viol of Jack
*' Jenkins, my aunts boye,
^* Before Chriftmas my cozen Fraunces was
** fent for frojn Nonefuch to North-hall, by rea-
'^ fon that hir grace was to goe from thence to
'^ be brought vp w**^ the La: Harington in the
<^ cuntriet AH this tyme we wear merrie at
(^3 " North-
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^30 ANNE, COUNTESS OF DORSET.
*' North-hall, my coz: Fra: Bourcher and my
*^ cozen Frauncis Ruffell and I did vfe to walk
*' much in the garden, and weare great one w ^
** the other ###**#*#**###«
*^ ##*###*##*♦*##«*. *«
*' Now ther was much talk of a mafke w^** the
^' Queene bad 2it Winchefter, and how all the
^* Ladies about the Court had gotten fuch ill
** names that it was growen a fcandalous place;
** and the Qjieene hir felfe was much faller\
*' from hir former greatnes and reputation fhe
*^ had in [the]] worlds
GEORGE VILLIERS,
riRSt DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM.
" The Duke/' fays Sir Henry Wotton^
^' was illiterate; yet had learned, at Court^
^' firft to fift andqueftion well, and to fupply
** his own defefts, by the drawing or flowing
*' unto him of the beft inftruments of ex-
*' perience and knowledge; from whom he
♦* had a fweet and attraftive manner, to fuck
*' what might be for the public or his own pro-
*' per ufe; fo as the lefs he was favoured by
^* the Mufes, he was the more fo by the
«. Graces/*
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VILLIERS DUKE OF BUCKINGHAM. 2^1
*' In point of drefs and luxury/' fays Sir
Henry Wotton, in his Parallel between the
Earl of Effex and the Duke of Buckingham,
*^ they were both very inordinate in their appe-
*^ tites, efpecially the Earl, who wa$ by nature
^* of fo indiflferent a tafte, that I muft tell a rare
** thing of him, though it be but homely, that
*' he would flop in the midft of any phyfic^l
*^ potion, and, after he had licked his lips, he
^' would drink off the reft/'
Lord Clarendon, in the " Difparity between
^* the Eftates and ConcKti^jJis. of this Nobleman
** and the Earl of EfleX,^' ;bbferves, after praifing
the Duke's extreme affability and gentlenefs to
all men, " He had befid^ fuch a tendernefs and
*^ ^ompaffion in his nature, that fuch as think
^* the laws dead if they are not (everely es^ecuted,
•* cenfured him for being, too merciful ; but his
" charity was grounded upon a wifer maxim of
** flate : *' Non minus iurpe Principi multa fup^
*' plicia quam Medico^ multa funera : — ^and'he
^* believed^ doubtlefs, that hanging was the
^^ worfl ufe man could be put to/*
The Duke, on his fatal journey to Portfmouth,
was advertifed by an old woman on the road,
that fhe had heard fome defperate perfons vow to
^} him* His nephew Lord Fielding, riding ii\
q^4 company
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^3^ VlLLlfeRS i)UKi off *UCRlN6kAM,
company with him, defired him to exchange coats
with him, and to let him have his blue ribbon,
and undertook to muffle himfelf Up in fuch a
manner that he fliduld be miftakeH for the Duke,
The Duke immediately caught him in his arms,
faying, that he could not Accept of fuch an offer
from a nephew whofe life he Valued as highly as
his own.
The following Letter from the Duke of
Buckingham to James the Firft, I believe, is not
in print. In moft of his letters he appears an
abjefl flatterer of the King, and fhews a childifli
affeftion expreffed in very low language ; in this,
however, he writes in a manly ftyle. He would
have recommended a fervant of his to fome jds^e,
t>\it the King had previoufly difpofed of it.
" God forbid that for oyther me or anie of
^^ mine your promis fliould be forced ; my man
^^ is not in miferi^ ; his mafter by your favour is
** in eftate not to let him want ; he is younge,
*^ yett pj^tient, and your meanes manie to benefitt
♦* him fome other way, an his honeftie can de-f
** ferve it ; I will anfwere he will. So both I
^* and he are humble futers that you pleafe your
** fejfe, in y^hich doeing you content all. So.
^^ cravinge your bleffmgs, I ende your humbl<;
« fls^ve and doge,
<f Stee^kie/^
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C »33 3
LORD BACON.
This great man has been accufed of deferting
his friend and patron the Earl of Eflex in his
difttefs. Fuller thus attempts to exculpate him :
** Lord Bacon/* fays he, " was more true to
^ the Earl than the Earl was to himfelf ; for
** finding him prefer deftr u^on before difpleafing
*' counfel, he fairly forfook (not his perfon, whom
** his pity attended to the grave, but) his prac-
** tices, and herein was iv)t the worfe friend for
** being the better fubjeft,"
Lord Bacon's Effays, which, as he fays, will
be more read than his other works, " coming
^* home to men's bufinefs and bofoms," have
been the text-book of myriads of Effay- Writers,
Itfid comprehend fuch a condenfation of wifdom
and learning, that they have very fairly been
wife-drawn by his fucceffors. Dr. Rowley, his
Chaplain, gives the following account of his me-
thod of fludy, and of fome of his domeftic habits.
** He was,** fays he, " no plodder upon
♦* works ; for though he read much, and that
♦*. with great judgment and rejeftion of imperti-
^* nences incident to many authors, yet he would
^* Ufe fome relaxation of mind with his ftudies ;
<* ^s
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234 LORD BACON*
♦* as gently walking, coaching, flow riding, play-
** ing at bowls, and other fuch like exercifes.
^ Yet he would lofe no time ; for upon his firft
•' return he would immediately fall to reading
*' or thinking again ; and fo fuffered no moment
*' to be lofl and pall by him improfitably. You
" might call his table a refedion of the ear as
*^ well as of the ftomach, like the No^esjitfica^ or
** entertainments of the Deipnofophifts, whereki
^ a man might be refreflied in his mind and
** underftanding no lefs than in his body. I
•' have known fome men of mean parts that
•^ have profeffed to make ufe of their note-books
** when they have rifen from his table. He
^^ never took a pride (as is the humour of fome)
♦* in putting any of his guefts, or thofe that dif-
^ courfed vdth hini, to the blufli, but was ever
^ ready to countenance their abilities, whatever
** they were. Neither was he one that would
^ appropriate the difcourfe to himfelf alone, but
^^ left a liberty to the reft to fpeak in their turns,
^ and, he took a pleafure to hear a man fpeak
<^ in his own faculty, and would draw him on
^ and allure him to difcourfe upon different fub-
** jefts : and for himfelf, he defpifed no man's
^ obfervations, but would light his torch at any
** man*s candle."
Mr. Oft)om, who knew Lord Bacon perfon-
ally^ in his *' Advice to his Son/' thus de-
fcribesi
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LOUD BACON. ^35
fcribes him:—" Lord Bacon, Vifcount St- AI-
^* ban's, in all companies did appear a good pro*
<^ ficient (if not a mafter) in thofe arts entertained
*^ for the fubjeft of every one's difcourfe ; fo as
*? I dare maintain, without the leaft aflfeftation
^' of flattery or hyperbole, that his moft cafual
*' talk deferveth to be written, as I have been
^' told that his firft or fouleft copies required no
*^ great labour to render them competent for
^' the niceft judgments ; a high perfeftion, at-
^* tainable only by ufe, and treating with every
'* man in his refpeftive profeflion, and what he
" was moft verfed in. So as I have heard him
^^ entertain a Country Lord in the proper terms
*^ relating to hawks and dogs, and at another
*^ time outcant a London Chirurgeon. Thus he
^* did not only learn himfelf, but gratify fuch as
^^ taught him, who looked upon their callings
^* as honourable through his notice. Nor did
^' an eafie falling into arguments (not unjuftly
<« taken for a blemifh in the moft) appear lefe
^^ than an ornament in him ; the ears of the
** hearers receiving more gratification than trou-
^* ble, and (fo) no lefs forry when he came to
*^ conclude, than difpleafed with any that did
^^ interrupt him. Now this general know-
♦' ledge he had in all things, huft>anded by his
^' wit, and dignified by fo majeftical a carriage
^* he was known to owe, ftrook fuch an awful
^^ reverence in thofe he queftioned, that they
" durft
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236 I.ORD BACON.
^^ durfl: not conceal die moft intrinfick part of
^^ their myfteries from him, for fear of appearing
^* ignorant or Ikucy ; all which rendered him no
** lefs neceffary than admirable at the Council-
*' table, where, in reference to Impofitions, Mo-
.*^ nopoHes, &c. the meaneft manufaftures were
*' an. ufual argument ; and (as I have heard) did
" in this baffle the Earl of Middlefex, that ^as
" born and bred a citizen, &c. yet without any
" great (if at all) interrupting his other ftudies,
'* as is not hard to be imagined of a quick ap^
" prehenfion, in which he was admirabk/'
Lord Bacon is buried in a fmall obfcure church
in St. Alban's, where the gratitude of one of
his fervants, Mr. Meatys, has raifed a monument
to him; a gratitude which fhould be imitated
on a larger fcale, and in a more illuftrious place
of fepukure, by a great and opulent Nation, who
may well boaft of the honour of having had fuch
an ornament to human nature born among them.
In this age of liberality, diftinguiflied as well by
poffeffing lovers of the arts as great artifts them^
felves, foreigners fhould no longer look in vain
for the juft tribute of our veneration to the me-
mory of this great man, and that of Mr. Boyle
and Mr. Locke, in our magnificent repofitorie^
of the dead ; and now indeed by the opening of
St. Paul's to monuments to Dr. Johnfon and
Mr. Howard, and by the wife and liberal regular
tions
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LORD BACON. 237
tions entered into by the Chapter of that Cathe-
dral, Gwynn's idea of a Britifh Temple of Fame
may be completely realized.
But there is alfo wanting another monument to
Lord Bacon — 'the hiftory of his life and writings*;
a work often mentioned by that great mafter of
biography Dr, Johnfon, as a work which he him-
felf (hould like to undertake, and to which he
wiflied to add a complete edition of Lord Bacon's
Englifli writings. Mr, Mallet has indeed written
a life of this great man, but it is very fcanty and
imperfefl:, and fays very little either of the philo-
fophy of liord Bacon or of thofe that preceded
him ; on which account Bifliop Warburton, in
his ftrong manner, faid, " that he fuppofed if
" Mr, Mallet were to write the life of the Duke
*' of Marlborough, he would never once mention
*^ the military art.*'
Lord Bacon died at Lord Arundel's houfe
at Highgate, in his way to Gorhambury, being
feized with the ftroke of death as he was making
fome philofophical experiments. He dictated the
* ** What a pity it is that no good memoir (fcarce in-
^* deed any memoir at all) of this reftorer of philofophy has
« ever appeared ! and how ipuch Is fuch a work to be de-
'< fired by all true lovers of literature*"— Dr. Jortin.
following
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438 iOkD BACOlt.
following letter to Lord Arundel three days te^
fore he died ; and it muft be perufed with a
melancholy pleaftire, as the laft letter this great
man ever dictated.
" MY VERV GOOfi LORl)j
** I was likely to have had the fortune of
** Caius Plinius the elder, who loft his life by
*^ trying an experiment about the burning of the
** mountain Vefuvius ; for I was defirous to try
^ an experiment or two touching the conferva-
*^ tion and enduration of bodies. As for the
*^ experiment itfelf^ it fucceeded extremely well j
*' but on the journey (between London and
** Highgate) I was taken with fuch a fit of caft-
*^ ing as I knew not whether it were the ftone, or
** fome furfeit, or cold, or indeed a touch of
*' them all three. But when I came to your
♦* Lordfhip's houfe I was not able to go back^
♦« and therefore was forced to take my lodging
*' here, where your houfekeeper is very careful
*' and diligent about me j which I affure myfelf
" your Lordfliip will not only pardon towards
*^ him, but think the better of him for it j fot
•^ indeed your Lordfhip's houfe was happie to
*^ me, and I kiffe your noble hands for the well-
♦* come which I am fure you give me to it. I
** know how unfit it is for me to write to your
** Lordfhip with any pen but my own, but int
« truth
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LORD BACON. H^^
<^ truth my fingers are fo disjointed with this fit
*« of ficknefs that I cannot fteadily hold my pen*
*^ Your Lordfliip*s to command,
" St* Alban's.*'
Mr. Evelyn, in his Eflay upon Phyfiognomy
at the end of his Treatife upon Medals, fays of
Lord Bacon, *' he had a fpacious forehead, and
*' a piercing eye, always (as I have been told by
•• one who knew hiiti well) looking upward, as
*' a foul in fublime contemplation, and as the
*' perfon who, by (landing up againft dogma-
'' tifts, was to emancipate and fet free the long
*' and miferably captivated philofophy, which
^* has ever fince made fuch conquefts in the ter-
*' ritories of nature."
Lord Bacon, in his " Eflay upon Health and
*^ Long Life,'* fiiys, that on fome Philofopher's
being aiked how he had arrived to the very ad-
vanced period of life at which he then was,
replied, ** Inftis melle, extra o/fo— -By taking honey
** within, and oil without */'
Not
* One of our Confuls in Egypt (a gentleman to whom
this Country has the highcft obhgations, for the very early
Iriforlttation with which he fupplied our Settlements in the
Eaft Indies with the information of the breaking out of the
laft war with the French) imagines that oil applied externally
to the human body, as in a fhirt dipped in that lubricating
fubftance.
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t4^ • tOfeJ) BACOW^
Notjong before Lord Bacon's death he wa^l
vifited by the Marquis d'Effiat, a Frenchman o£
,rank and of learning. - Lord Bacon was ill, and
received him in his bed-chamber with the cur-
tains drawn. The Marquis on entering the room
paid to him this very elegant compliment;
*^ Your Lordfliip refembles the Angels. We
«^ have all heard of them ; we are all defiroud
" to fee them j and we never have that fatif-
*^ feaion/'
Dr. Tatham fays finely of Bacon :
" Ariftotle locked up the Temple of Know-
«« ledge, and threw away the key, which in the
" abfurd and fuperftitious veneration of his
*^ authority was loft for ages. It was found at
*^ laft by a native of our own country, whofe
«* name a§ a philofopher, land particularly as a fo-
*' gician*, does more hononr to England than his
*^ did to Stagyra ; who threw open the prifon
*^ in which Science had been held captive, and
** once more fet her free ; and who with a bold
" and virtuous facrilege tore the laurel from
fubftance, would prevent the infe6^ion of that horrible cala-
mity the plague ; and as he lives in a country very frequently
viTited by that dreadful diforder, he has had but too fre-
quent opportunities of making the experiment.
* lUud vero monendunty not In hoc nofiro Organo ttaSare
Logicam, non Phllofophiam. — Nov. Organ. Lib* ii. Aphortfm 52.
9 ^ that
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LORD BAC01^4 24t
** that dark ancf deified philofdpher, which he
** had fo long and fo injurioufly worn/' The
Chart and Scale of Truths Vol. I. page 353.
According to Mr. Aubrey, Cardinal Richelieu
was a great admirer of Lord Bacon. Balzac
fays of him refpedkig his charafter of the An-
cients,
** Croyons donc^ pour V amour du Chancelier Ba^
'^ coHj que toutes les folies des anciens font fageSy
^^ S5* tous leursfonges myfieres.*^
The following notices of this great man are
copied from Mr. Aubrey's MSS. in the Afhmo-
|ean Library at Oxford :
" Mr. Thomas Hobbes (Malmpurlenfts) was
^' beloved by Lord Bacon. He was wont to
** have him walke with him in his delicate groves
" when he did meditate j and when a notion
*f darted into his head, Mr. H. was prefently to
*' write it down^ and his Lordfhip was wont to
*' fay, that he did it better than any one elfc
•* about him ; for that many times when he read
^* their notes, he fcarce underftood what they
*' writ, becaufe they underftood it not clearly
•* themfelves. In fhort, all that were great and
** good loved and honoured him. Sir Ei Coke,
" Lord Chief Juftice, always envied him, and
VOL. I. R " under-
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242 LORD BACON.
" undervalued his law, and I knew Lawyers that
^*- remembered it. Lord Bacon was Lord Pro-
" teflior duringe King James's progrefle into
" Scotland, and gave audience in great ftate to
^ Ambafladors at Whitehall, in the Banqueting
^ Houfe, He would many times have muficke
^' in the next roome where he meditated. The
'' aviary at Yorke Houfe was built by his Lord-
** Ihip : it coft three hundred pounds. At every
** meale, according to the feafon of the yeere,
*' he had his table ftrewed with fweet herbs and ,
*^ flowers, which he faid did refrefh his fpirits.
*' When he was at his country-houfe at Gor-
^ hambury, St. Alban*s feemed as if the Court
•' had been there, fo nobly did he live ; his fer-
*^ vants had liveries with his creft. His water-
" men were more eniployed by gentlemen than
♦' any other, except the King's.
" His Lordfhip being in York Houfe Garden^
*' looking on fifliers as they were throwing their
*' nett, alk'd them what th^y would take for
*' their draught ; they anfwer'd, So much. But
*^ his Lqp would offer them no more butyj mtuh.
*' They drew up their netts, and it were onley
*^ two or three little fiflies. His Lo** then told
*' them it had been better for them to have taken
*^ his offer. They replyied, they hoped to have
" had a better draught ; but, fay'd his Lo^, hopa
" is a good breakfaft, but an ill fupper.
^ When
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tORD BACOK* ^43
** When his Lo^ was in disfavour, his neigh-
" bours, hearing how much he was indebted,
** came to him with a motion to buy oakewood.
" of him ; his Lo^ told them he would not fell
** his feathers.
^* The Earle of Manchefter being removed
•* from his place of Lord Chiefe Juftice of the
" Comon Pleas, to be Lord Prefident of the
" Councell, told my Lord (upon his fall) that
^* he was forry to fee him made fuch an ex-
** ample. L** Bacon replied, it did not trouble
" him, fince he was made a Prefident.
" The Bi(hop of London did cutt down a no-
*' ble clowd of trees at Fulham-; the Lord Chan-
^^ cellor told him that he was a good expounder
*' of darke places.
" Upon his being in dis-favour, his fervantg
** fuddenly went away : he compared them to
** the flying of the vermin, when the houfe was
" felling.
** One told his Lordfhip, it was now time to
** looke about him.. He replied, " I doe not
*' looke ai^outy 1 looke above me.*
Ra
»
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244 LbRI) BACON#
" S' Julius Caefar (Matter of the Rolls) fent
<« to his Lo% in his neceffity, a hundred pounds
^ for a prcfcnt. ,
** His Lordflup would often drinke a good
** draught of ftrong beer (March beer) to bed-
** wards, to lay his working fancy afleep, which
** otherwife would keepe him from fleeping great
** part of the night.
,^ He had a delicate lively hazel eie. Dr.
•' Harvey fayd to me, it was like the eie of a
*• viper.
*' I have now forgott what Mr. Bufhell fayed,
" wether his Lordfhip enjoyed his mufe beft at
** night or in the morning.^'
Mr. Hpbbes told Mr. Aubrey, that " the caufe
" of his Lo*"* death was trying an experiment,
*' viz. As he was taking the aire in a coach with
'^ Dt. Witherborne towards Highgate, fnow lay
*' on the ground, and it came into my Lord^s
" thoughts why flefh might not be preferved in
" fnow as in fait. They were refolved' to try
" the experiment, and ftaid fo long in doing it,
" that Lord Bacon got a fhivering fit. He went
" to Lord Arundel's houfe at Highgate, where
« he
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LOUD 9AC0^* 245
** he was put into a damp bed, and died a few
*^ days afterwards.*'
Lord Bacon fays finely of Chriftianity, " There
^^ hath not been difcovered in any age, any phi-
" lofophy, opinion, religion, law, or difcipline,
*^ which fo greatly exalts the common, and
*' ieffens individual intereft, as the Chriftjian re-
" ligion doth/'
His rule refpefting ftudy, and the application
of the powers of the mind, is excellent : " Prac-
*^ tife them chiefly at two feveral times; the "
^' one when the mind is well difpofed, the other
•^ when it is worft difpofed ; that by the one you
^ may gain' a great ftep, by the other you may
*' work out the knots and ftondes of the mind,
^' and make the middle times more eafy and
" pleafant/'
Lord Bacon thus infcribed the feat in Giay's
Inn Gardens, which he had put up to the me-
mory of his friend Mr, Bettenham :
*^ Francifcus Bacon Regis '^Sollicitor Generalis
*' Executor Tejiamenti yeremia Bettenham nuper
" Ledoris bujus Hofpitij Viri inmcentis abjiinentis
<« fe? contemplativi Hanc Sedem in Memoriam ejufr
*' dem Jeremia exjiruxit
" Anno Dom. 1609/'
R 3 Wilfon,
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346 LORD BACON.
Wilfon, in fpcakmg of the fentence pafled upon
the tord Treafurer, obferves, " Which fentence
** was pronounced by the Lord Chancellor Ba-
** con, who though he were of tranfcendent
** parts, yet was he tainted with the fame infec-
** tion, and not many years after periflied in his
" own corruption; which fliews, that neither
*^ example nor precept (he having feen fo many,
*' and been made capable of fo much) can be a
*^ pilot fufEcient to any port of happinefs (though
** Reafon be never fo able to direft) if Grace
*^ doth not give the gale.**
The following letter of Lord Bacon is pre-
ferved in Sir Toby Mathews' CoUeftion of Eng*
lifh Letters. It is not inferted in the Folio Edi-
tion of Lord Bacon- s Works, but is a ftriking
inftance of the refources of the mind which this
great though unfortunate man poffeffed ; it is
alfo an exquifite- comment upon the celebrated
fentence of Laftantius : - -
<* Eruditio inter profpera ornamentum — inter adverfa
** refugium^^
THE LORD VISCOUNT ST. ALBAN's (bACOn) TO
THE BISHOP OF WINCHESTER (aNDREWs),
AFTER HIS FALL. IT ACQUAINTS HIM BOTH
WITH HIS X:OMFORTS AND HIS WRITINGS.
" MY LORD,
*« Amongft comforts, it is not the leaft to
«« reprefent to a man's felf the like examples of
** calamity
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»
LOILD BACOK* 247
•^ calamity in others. For examples make a
** quicker impreffion than arguments ; and be^
^' fides^they mform us of that which the Scrip-
'* ture alfo propounds to us for our fatisfaftion,
•' that no new thing has happened to us, Thi$
^* they do^the better, by how much the examples
** are x^qrt like in circumftance§ to our owa
** cafe, wid yet more particularly, if they f^U
** upon pcrfons who are greater and worthier
•* than ourfelves. For as it favours of vanity to
*' match ourfelves highly in our own conceit ;
" fo, on the other fide, it is a good and found
" cojiclufipn, that if our bet^^ers have fuftained
" the like events, we have the lefs caufe to be
** grieved.
** In this kind of conlblation I have not beeij
*' wanting to myfelf, though as a Chriftian J
^' have tafted (through God's great goodnefs)
*' of higher remedies. Having therefore, through
*' the variety of my reading, fet before me many
** examples, both of ancient and latter times, my
" thoughts, I confefs, have chiefly ftayed upon
*' three particulars, as both the moft eminent and
*^ moft refembling ; all three pcrfons who had
*' held chief place and authority in their coun-
*' tries } all three ruined, not by war or any
*^ other difafter, but by juftice and fentence, as
** delinquentjs and. criminals ; and all three fa-
^^ mous writers. Infomuch as^ the remembrance
R 4 "of
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248 LORD BACON.
** of their calamity is now to pofterity but as
** fome little night-piece, remaining amongft the
*^ fair and excellent tables of their afts and
*' works. And all three (if that were anything
^^' to the matter) are fit examples to quench any
^* man's ambition of rifing again ; for that they
^' were, every one of them, reftored with great
*^ glory ; but to their further ruin and deftruc-
*' tion, all ending in a violent deaths
" The men were Demofthenes, Cicero, and
^* Seneca ; perfons with whom I durft riot claim
** any affinity at all, if the fimilitude of our for-
•^ tunes had not contrafted it.
*' When Icaft mine eyes upon thefe exam*
^' pies, I was carried further on to obferve, how
*' they bore their fortunes ; and principally how
'* they employed their times, being banifhed,
** and difabled for public bufinefs ; to the end
*• that I might learn by them, that fo they might
" be as well my counfellors as my comforters.
*' Whereupon I happened to note how div^rfly
*• their fortunes wrought upon their minds, ef-
" pecially in that point at which I airped mofl ;
*' which was, the employing of their times and
" pens. In Cicero, I faw that, during his ba-
" nifhment (which was almoft for two years) he
*^ was fo foftened and dejefted, as that he Wrote
♦' nothing but a few womanilh epiflles. And
" yet.
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LORD BACON. 249
*' yet, in my opinion, he had le^ reafon of the
** three to be difcouraged ; becaufe, though it
*' were judged (and judged by the higheft kind
** of judgment in form of a ftatute and law)
** that he fhould be baniftied, and his whole
•* eftate confifcated and feized, and his hpufes
*^ pulled down; and that it fhould be highly
** penal for^any man to propound his repeal;
*' yet his cafe, even then, carried no great blot
*' of ignominy with it ; for it was thought to be
" but a temped of popularity which overthrew
*' him,
** Demofthenes, on the contrary fide, though
*^ his cafe were foul, he being condemned for
** bribery, and bribery in the nature of treafon
*^ and difloyalty, took yet fo little knowledge of
^' his fortune, as that, during his banifhment, he
" bufied himfelf, and intermeddled as much
" with matters of State by letters, as if he had
^' been ftill at the helm, as appears by fomc
♦* epiftles of his which are extant,
*^ Seneca indeed^ who was condemned for
** many corruptions and crimes, and baniflied
*^ into a folitary ifland, kept a mean : for thojugh
*' his pen did not freeze, yet he abftained from
*^ intruding into matters of bufinefs } but fpent
♦* hi3 time in writing books of excellent argu-
" meht
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5^50 IrORD BACON-
*' ment and ufe for all ages, Thefe examples
^ confirmed me much in a refolution (to which
^* I was otherwife inclined) to fpend my time
" wholly in writing, and to put forth that
** poor talent, or half talent, or what it is, which
•* God hath given me, not as heretofore, to parr
** ticular exchanges, but to banks or mounts of
*^ perfpicuity, which will not break,
" Verulam/'
" Lord Chancellor Bacon," fays Howell in
his Letters, " is lately dead of a long languifh-
** ing illnefs. He died fo poor, that he fcarce
" left money to bury him, which (though he
^ had a great wit) did argue no great wifdom,
** it being one of the effential properties of a
*^ wife man to provide for the main chance. I
** have read, that it had been the fortunes of aU
** poets commonly to die beggars ; but for an
,** Orator, a Lawyer, and a Philofopher to die
** fp, ^tis rare. It feems the fame fate befell
" him that attended Demofthenes, Seneca, and
** Cicero (all great men), of whom the two firll
". fi^U by corruption. The fairefl: diamond may
" have a flaw in it ; but I believe he died poqr
*^** from a contempt of the pelf of fortune, as alfo
** out of an excefs of generofity, which appearefi
" (as in divers other paflages) fo once, when thp
" King had fent hiin ^ ftag, he fent up for the
" under-
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LORD 2AC0K. 251
^^ uxuler-keq>er, and having drank the King^t
^^ health to him in a great filver gUt bowl, ho
*< gave it to him for his fee.
^ He wrote a pitifiil letter to King James not
** long before his death, and concludes, ** rtdp
•^ me, dear Sovereign, Lord and Mafter, and
** pity me fo far, that I who have been bom to
** a bag, be not now, in my age, forced in eflfed
** to bear a Wallet; nor that I, who defire tp
** live to ftudy, may be driven to ftudy to livc/^
*' I write not this to derogate from the noble
** worth of the Lord Vifcount Verulam, who
** was a rare man, recondita fcientia et adfalutem
" literarum natus j and, I think, the eloquenteft
** that was bom in this Ifle.
Wilfon, in his Life of King James, fays^,
** Though Lord Bacon had a penfion allowed
*' him by the King, he wanted to his laft j living
** obfcurely in his lodging at Gray's Inn j where
" his lonenefs and defolate condition wrought
*' upon his ingenious (and therefor^ then more
" melancholy) temper, that he pined away. And
** he had this uuhappinefs,- after all his height of
** plenitude, to be denied be^er Jo quench his
^< thirft. For having a fickly tafte, he did not
*« like the beer of the houfe, but fent to Sir Ju9c
** Greville, Lord Brooke, in his neighbourhood,
** (now and then,) for a bottle of his beer, and,
^^ after '
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252 - IX^UD BACON.
" after fomc grumbling, the butler had order to'
^ deny him. So fordid was the one that ad-
•* vanced himfelf to be called Sir Philip Sidney's
^' friend, and fo friendlefs was the other ,after
** he had dejefleci himfelf from what he was,**
^ Lord Bacon,'* adds Wilfon, " was of a
^ middling ftature : his countenance had in-
*^ dented with age before he was old 5 his pre-
^ fence grave and comely ; of a high-flying and
*^ lively wit ; ftriving in fome things to be ra*
*' ther admired than underftood, yet fo quick
*^ and eafy where he would exprefs himfelf,
*' and his memory fo ftrong and aftive, that he
^* appeared the mafter of a large and plenteous
** ftorehoufe of knowledge, being (as it were)
♦* Nature's midwife, ftripping her callow brood,
^ and cloathing them' in new attire,"
SIR EDWARD COKE,
l,0»D CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE COUR.T OF KING's BENCH,
on receiving from Lord Bacon, (who was not
fuppofed to be ia very profound lawyer,) as a
prcfent, hi» celebrated Treatife " De Injiaura-
•' iione Sckntiarum^** wrote on a blank leaf, ma-
' lignantly enough, this diftich ;
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SIR EDWARD COKE. 253.,
hiftaurare paras veterum documenta fophorum^
Injlaura leges jujlitiamque prius.
You with a vain and ardent zeal explore
The old, philofopher's abftrufcr lore.
Juftice and law your notice better claim,
Knowledge of them infure you fairer fame.
" Five forts of perfons/' fays Fuller, " thi$
*^ great man ufed to foredefign to mifery and
" poverty : chymifts, monopolizers, concealers,
'* promoters, and rythming poets. For three
** things he faid he would give God folemn
** thanks : — that he never gave his body to
** phyfic, nor his heart to cruelty, nor his hand
*' to corruption. In thjee things he much ap-n
" plauded his own fuccefs : in his fair fortune'
" with his wife, in his happy ftudy of the law,
" and in his free coming by all his preferment,
" nee prece nee pretio ; neither begging nor brib-
^* ing for preferment. He conftantly had pray-
" ers faid in his own houfe, and charitably re-
*^ lieved the poor with his conftant alms. The
■" foundation of Sutton's Hofpital (the Charter-
" Houfe, when indeed but a foundation) had
" been ruined before it was raifed, and crufiied
-" by fome courtiers in the hatching thereof,
" had not his great care preferved the fame."
When Sir Edward had loft all his public em-
ployments, and fome Peer was inclined to quef-
tion the rights of the Cathedral of Norwich, he
hindered
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^54 SI^ EDWARD COKE.
hindered it, by telling him plainly, ** that if he
*^ proceeded, he would put^oQ his cap apd
*^ gown, and follow the caufe through Weft-
*« mmfter-hall/*
He took for the motto to his rings, when I^e
wa$ made Serjeant :
Lex eft tutijima cajjis. .
The Law is the fureft helmet.
"This great Lawyer," fays Wilfon, " was ^
*^ man of excellent parts, but not without his
" frailties. For as he was a ftorehoufe and maga*
** zine of the common law for the prefent times,
" and laid fuch a foundation for the future, that
*' pofterity may for ever build upon, fo his
'^ paffions and pride were.fo predominant, thdl^
** boyling over, he Idft by them much of his own
^^ fullnefs, which extinguifhed not only the valu-
" ation, but the refped due to his merit.
** A breach,*' continues Wilfon, " happened
*• between the Lord Chief Juftice Coke and the
*• Lord Chancellor EUefmere, which made a paf-
" fage to both their declines. Sir Edward Coke
" had heard and determined a caufe at common
** law, and fome report that there was juggling
•* in the bufinefs. The witncfs that knew and
^ fhould have related the truth was wrought
<« upon to be abfent if any man would under-
** take
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V
SIR tDWARD C0X:3P. C55
^
•' take to excufe his non-appearance. A ptag-
** matical fellow of the partie undertook it, vmnt
" with the witnefs to a tavern, called for a gal-
•* Ion pot fiiU of fack, bid him drink, and
** fo leaving him, went into the Court. This
** witnefs is called for the prop of the caufe: the
*' undertaker anfwers upon oath, that he left
** the witnefs in fuch a condition, that if he
^^ continues only but a quarter of an hour, he
*.' is a dead man. This evidencing the man's
" incapability to come, deaded the matter fo,
*' that it loft the caufe. The plaintiffs that had
" the injury bring the bufmefs about in Chan-
^* eery.* The defendants (having had judgment
•* at common Jaw) refufe to obey the orders of
*' the Court ; whereupon the Lo5rd Chancellor,
*' for contempt of the Court, commits them to -
" prifon. They petition againft him in the Star-
*' chamber ; ^the Lord Chief Juftice Coke joyns
*' with them in the difference, threatening the
'** Lord , Chancellor with a Framtinire. The
*' Chancellor makes the King acquainted with
** the bufmefs, who fends to Sir Francis Bacon
** his Attorney-General, Sir Heiiry Montague,
'* &c. commanding them to fearch what prece-
" dents there have been of late years, wherein
*^ fuch as have complained in chancery were re-
*^ lieved according to equity and conference after
** judgment at common law. They made a re-
5 " port
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256 SIR EDWARD CORK.
" port favourable to the interference of the
** Court of Chancery in fuch cafes. This,"
adds Wilfon, " fatisfied the King, juftified the
*' I-iord Chancellor, and the Chief Juftice re-
** ceived the foil, which was a bitter potion to
*' his fpirit, but not ftrong enough to work as
•* his enemies defired. Therefore, to trouble
** him the more, he is brought on his knees at
*' the Council-table, and three other ingredients
*« added to the dofe, of a more aftive operation,
" Firft, He is charged, that when he was the
** King's Attorney-General, he concealed a fta-
** tute of twelve thoufand pounds due to the
*' King from the late Lord' Chancellor Hatton,
*' wherein he deceived the truft repofed in him*
*' Secondly, That he uttered words of very
,*' high contempt as he fat on the feat of Juftice,
*' faying. The Common Law of England would
** be overthrown, and the light of it obfcured,
*^ refleding upon the King.
*^ And thirdly, His uncivil and indifcrect
** carriage before his Majefty, being affifted by
** his Privy Council and Judges, in the cafe of
** Commendams^.
* In that bufinefs Lord Coke behaved very nobly and
fpiritedly at firft, but afterwards made an improper fub-
miHion.
" The
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^lA £DWA4C0 COlCEi isf
'" Tfhe lad he confefled, and humfcly crived
** his Majefty's pardon. The other two he pal-<
*' liafed with fome colourable e^cufes, which
•* >ere n6t lb well fet off but they fcft fuch a
** tin^ure behind them^ that he was commanded
•* tp retire to private life. And to expiate the
** Xing's anger, he was enjoined in that leifurely
*' retirement to review his Books of Reports,
" which the King was informed had many ex-
** travagant opinions publiflied for praftice and
*' good Jaw, which muft be correfted, and
^* brought to his Majefty to be perufed. And
** at his departure from the Council-table, the
*' Lord Treafurer,.the Earl of Salifbury, gave
" him a wipe, for fuffering his coachman to ride
" bare-headed before him in the ftreets ; which
" fault he ftrove to cover, by telling his Lord-
<' Ihip that his coachman did it for his owa
'' eafe."
Tp the kindnefs of a learned and ingenious
Gentleman, who has had the lingular inerit of
allying Philology to Philofophy, and of giving the
certitude jof fcience to Etymology itfelf , Mr.
HoRN£ TookjS*, the Compiler is obliged for
*'^rhe leamcil zhi elegant Mr. "V^ebb fay« ofThc Diverl
ion$ of Piuiqf, ** {t is a.qioft v4uabk boipky and the more
*• fo| a«Jtj proimfcfl^ what i^ much -wanted, a new theory gf
•• ^n^uage* /, totfif fuo tngemum tuum te mocaiJ*
" V0i;xi ' i the
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Xji SIR SDVAaD. COKE*
fte foBowmg curious Letter of Sii* Edward Coke
" to the 'Univerfity of Cambridge, when thatleamed
IRodyrwzs empowered by James the Firft to fimd
RqwrefeiAaftives to ParHaisaent. The Letter is
copied from the Atehiyes of the Umverfity.
,'■'••' , * •
" Having found by experience in former. ^ar-
** Haments (and efpecially when I was Speaker)
** how neceffary it was for our Univerfity to have
" Burgeffes of Parliament: firft, for that the
V CoUedges and Hpufes of Learning being
<* founded partly by thelCing's progenitors, ^d
*' partly by the Nobtes and other godly and de-
** vdut men, Bave loca^ ftatutes and ordynaiices
** prefcribed to them by their founders, as well
** for Ihe difpoting and preferving of their pof-
** feflions, as for the good' government and vir-
*^tuous educajtion of Students and SchoUers
^^ within the fame : fecondly, for that to the
** dewe obfervation of thofe ftatutes and ordy-
" nances they are boijnden by oath :, and laftly,
f* for that yt is not poilible for any one generall
^* lawe to fitt every particular CoHedge, efpecially
*^,when their private ftatutes and ordinances be
f* not knowne : Aiid'fiptaing, efpecially novice of
^*'late time,' that many fiifls are preferred^ ih
?' Parlis[m^nt,An4ipRKba^pa^i^^
^^ cent our Univerii^v-' ;^ 1' thought gpody dwt oi
u
Qorjpppxi*
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ilR BDQTASD COXC« #59
** Cprambaweahh,) to conferr ^th*M' Dr. Ne-
" vill, Deane of Canterbury, and Sir EdMWUxl
•• Stanhope, (two worthie Members thereof,) that
** a fute were made at this time, when his ftfci**%
** eagceedii^ all his progenitors in learning and
•* knowledge, fp /avoureth and refpedeth the
** Univerfities j when our moft worthie and af*
^< fedionate Chancellor, my L. Cecill, his Ma'*"'
^^ principal! Secretary, is fo propevie to further
*^ anything that may honour or profit our Uni*
** verfity ; for the obteyning of two Burgeffes of
" Parliament, that may informe (as occafion fhall
" be offered) that High Court of the true ib^e
** of the Univerfity, and of every particular Col*
«« ledge; which^ with all alacrity, the good
** De^e and Sir Edward Stanhope apprehended*
** O' Chancellor was moved, who loftantly and
*^ cffeftually moved his Ma**% who moft princely
'^ and gracioufly granted and figned yt, the
** booke being ready drawne and prpvided. I
^ know yo' wifdomes have little need of mynft
*^ advife ; yet out of my aflfeftionate love unto
** .you, I have thought good to remember you of
<< ibme things that are comely and necefiary to he
^ donne.
** !• Aa foone a» you can, that you acknowu
^^ ledg« hjiimble tluoks to his M»'^* fw that ht
sa ^* haUx
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afife . SIR EDWARD COKE;
^^ hath conferred fo great an hon' and benefitt t6.
** o' Univcrfity.
^« 2. To acknowledge y thankfiillncfs to o'
^ noble Chancellor, and alfo to the L. Chancel*
•^ lor of England^ who have moil honourably
** ^ven furtherance to yt.
**' 3. That you thankethe good Deane and S^
*^ Edward Stsmhope, for their inward and hafty
*• follicita^on.
•* 4* That now at this firft eleccon, you make
" choife of lome that are not of the Convoca9on
" Houfe, for I have knowne the likd to have
^* bredd a queftion. And yt is good that the
" begynning and firft feafon be cleere and with-
^' out fcruple. In refpeft whereof, if you eleft
** for thk time fome Profeffor of the Civill Lawe,
•* or any other that is not of the Coftvoca^on
•* Houfe^ yt is the furefl way,
" 5, The Vicechancellor, for that he is Go-
•* vemor of the Univerfity where th6 choife is
to be made, is not eligible.
" 6. There is alfo'aiiew wrytt provided for
this prefcnt eleccon.- When -you have made
«< your
<i
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SIR EDVaRD COKE, 261
';** your eleccon of your two Burgefles, you muft
^* certifie the feme to the SherifFe, and he Ihall
** retorne them : or if you fend your eleccon to
** me under your feale, I will fee them retomed.
** And thus ever relling to doe you any fer»
*^ vice, with all willing readynefs I comytt you
*' to the bleffed proteccon of the Almighty*
** From the Inner Temple, this 12th of March
** 1603,
*« Yo' very loving frind,
" You fhall alfo receive the * ,
** lettres patents under the
*' greate fdale to you and yo' fucceflbrt
*' for ever, and likcwife a
** writt for this pfent eleccon.**
« To the right worfliipfull
<* and his nmch eftecmed flrcnd the
^* VicechanceHor of the Uriiverfitfc
^* of Caihbrldg^ gire tkefe/* • \
The " Inftitutes** of Sir Edward Coke have
ever beea regarded as the moft excellent Com«
mentaries on our Laws and Conftitution. Yet
the learned Biihop Gibfon fays, in one of his
MS. Letters in the Bodleian Library^
** Many of our Laws (as they are derived
^ from thoie of the Saxons) ibe they contnbutt
5^ ** a great
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S62 SIR ^DWAUD COKE.
*^ a great light towards the true imdarftandiilg
^' of thenu Befides, it will be no little pleafufe
/^ to obferve the affinity between thofe Saxons •
• * « Saxon," fays Sir John Fortcfcufc Aland, «« is the
<* Mother of the Engllfh Tongue. A maa cannot tell
j*< twenty, nor name the days of the week in EngKfh, but
•* he puft fpcak Saxon.
** Etymologies from a Saxon original will ofun prefetit
** you with the definition of the thing in the reafon of the
« name. For the Saxons often in their names cxprefs the
** lUttuce of the thing : as in the word Part/b ; in the Saxon
** it is a word which fignifies the precin<ft o>f whiA the
« Prieft had the care. Throne^ in Saxon, is expreffed by a
" compound word, which fignifies the feat of Majefty.
« Death 9 ^xiwrffiscl by a comjlound word, fignHying the
" Reparation of the foul frq^n the body, one <rf whic:li figni-
<< fies /oul or fpirit^ and the other JeparaHon^^' — Frejace^ to
Forte/cue on the Limited Monarchy of England*
The Saxon language now appears likely to ^? cultivattd
with that dihgence to which it.is entitled^ ai the bafis of our
language, and as containing the fixft elemerits of oyr laws
and the ground- work of our happy conftitution, in the fta-
^tes enjifted by our firee jyid intrepid forefathei;^. The late
learhed Dr. Rawlinfon has founded a Profefibrfhip in the
. Sftxoh birgiuage in the Uniwriity of Oxford } aftd the choke
thje Univerfity has made of a perfon of leara??^ ai^fl ingenuHy
* to read the kaures, will furely ftimulate £he young and the
Ingenious to become acquainted with a language without
which they cannot ather fyeak pt write with propriety, x)r
aft as it becomes thofe who have; fecured from their anceftors
the ncAleft bleffing thatx)nc generation can procure for ano-
^tlbcr, imily aad^ration^ libetty^ ,
- ,, » ' " and.
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SIR EinrAIUDr COKI, $63
'^ and our prcfent cuftoms;^ in which .matters
** pur Common Lawyers are generally in the
*« daAi^^ You have heard me alio mention the
«* Life .off Sir Henry Spehnan. Otie prmcipal
« part v^rec^ muft be to prove, ^hat that
** learned Antiquarian always infiftcd upon, that
•* this method of ftu^es was the true foundation
" of the Common Law, and that Oofce and' the
•* reft run into maiiy vHiWe and even fcaiidafoui
«* errors for the' want 6f 'it:^^Dr. Gi6f<>^ io
J)n Cbarktty Sept. 17, 1700. . » '
GOf^DEMAR,
fHE SPANISH AMBA^SSADOft AT THE COURT OF KINO
JAMSS <rH^E flRST. '^ .^ *
' ' ,,, ".:?■:, '/, /..\h :,'A ■
. King Jam£3 took, great delight m the con-
verfation of Gondemar, becaufe he knew how to
l^eafe the King, who thought himfelf an expel-
lent tutor and fcholar.; . The Amba0aik>r ufed tQ
fpeak bad Latin before him, in ordpi; t^-giye^hi^
Majefty an opportunity of correfting him. Gon-
^OTiar had, by bribes and penfions, paid>niany
of the firft pcrfons abqut King James's court, in
the intereft of that of SpaSnrr; yet, 10 i|ifure thirt
mtereft, fays Wilfon, •* he caft out his' baits noit
^ pnly for m», but if he found^^an Atabnta,
s 4 ** whofe
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9.64 GDlffl>BMAR* .-
^* ^ofe tongue went nhnUer than, her fett> he
•^ would throw out his goldea balls to c^tch theitt
<* alfo^ and in thefc times there were fome La-
♦' dies, pretending to be wits, (ar they caHed
•* them,) or had fiur nieces or daughters whidi
*' drew great refort to their houfes j an4 whem
♦* company meet, the difcourfe is cominonly of
<* the times (for every man will vent his paffion).
<* Thefe Ladies he fwect^ned with p^qfijnts, that
^* they might alhty fuch as were too four in their
^* expreffion, to flop them in the courfi; if they
** ran on too fed, and bring them to a gentler
" pace. He lived at Ely Houfe, in Holborn;
** his paflage to the Gomt was ordinarily through
^« Drury Lane, (the Covent Garden being then
♦* an inclofed fieW>) and that lane and the Strand
^^ ^ere the places where moft of the Gentry
** lived ; and the Ladies, as he went, knowing
^* his time?, yrould not be wanting to appear in
** their balconies or windows to prefent him their
^* civilities^ ^d he would w^tch for it ; and, aS'
^' he was carried in his litter, he would ftrain
'^* himfelf ' as much as an old man could to the
" humbleft pofture of relpeft,
♦' One day paffing by the Lady Jacobus houf^
^< in Drury Lane, fhe expiofecj herf(^f fot» a frlUf
«« tation; he was not wanting to h#, but fh^
^^ moved nodiing but her mouth,gaping wide pppn
f ^ u]f)0ft hiin.l We wandered at the l^^dy's ipd-
^* vility,
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COKDEMAR. . s6j;^
V vility, but thought that it might be hsgppUy i^
^ yawnipg fit took her at that time ; for, trial
^ whereof, the next day he finds her in the fame
<( {4aGe, and Jm courtefies were again accoiled
** with no better expreffions than an extended
** mouth ; whereupon he fent a gentleman to
♦* her, to let her know that the Ladies of Eng-
** land were more gracious to him than to en-
" counter his refpefts with fuch affronts. She
^^ anfwered, It was true that he had purchafed
^ fome of their fevours at a dear rate, and fcc
*^ had a mouth to be flopped as well as others*
^^ Gondemar, finding the caufe of the emotion
^^ of her mouth, fent her a preient as an and*
<* dote, which cured her of that diftempet.*'
EXTRACT FROM THE KING OF SPAW's I*iT-
^ T£R TO HIS AMBASSAfiOR, DATED NOV' 5,
J622. • >
** The King my father declared at his death,
♦* that his intention was never to marry my fifter
^f the Infanta Donna Maria to the Prince of
** Wales, which your uncle, Don Baltazar, un-
*' derftood, and fo treated the match ever with
^* intention to delay it ; yet, notwithftanding it
^' h now fo far advanced, that confideriqg all
** the overtures unto it for the Infanta, it is time
^* to feek fome means to divert the treaty, which
♦^ I WQuld have you find, aod I will make it
<< goo4
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i66 SIR WALtEH kA\.EIGH.
^ gp6d Svhatfoever it be j but ih all 6ther thittg!f
^ promote the fatisfaftion of the King of Gkfcat
^ Britain, who bath deferved very much^and it
^ fhall content me much, fo Aat it.be notjA
* die match/* '"' •'
•SIR WALTER RALEIGH.
' ^ About this time,** fays WiHon, " that gaW
^* tot fpirit Sir Waher kawleigh (who in hi9
^ rccefies in the Tower had prdented in lively
*< <Aarai6ters the true image of the CMd World)
^^ made accdles tc^ the Kiag^ whereby he got
«< leave to vifit the New World in America ;
iV€aptkin Kemifli (one of his oki^fe^men aE4
f fervants) fliewing. him a piece pf orje in the
^' Tower of a golden complexion, (a gUtteiijng
*' temptation, to begin the work,) afliiring hhn,
• *^ he could brln^ hiin to a mine in Guiana of
^^ the fame metall : which (together with free-
^' dome, the crown of life and being) gave rife
^^ to this enterprize."
' The fWlowiiig Notices^^ of Sir Walter Raleigh
are copied from Aubrey's Biogr^lLf^iical Notes iit
the Alhmolean Library at Oxford :
*' He was a^eat Chymift, and amongft fom?
^** MS,, receipts I have feen fome fecrets from
" hinu
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Jilt WALTER RALEIOH* a6f
<^ him. He ftndied moft (n Ins fe& voyages^
^* where he carried always with Mm a cheft of
^ books, and had nothing to divot hiin«
^^ A perfon fo much tinmerfed in aOson^ 4nd
<< in the fabrication o( his own fornmc^ cilLhit
« confinement in the To^cTt cduM bihr^.biit
. " Kttle time toiludy but whtit he <K>uld %^hre m
** the morning. He was no fleeper*, had a
^^ wonderful wsdung fpirit; and great ju^pnent
^ to guide it.
^< He was a tall, handAmne, and brave man ;
** but his bane was, that he was datflnably
<« proud.. Old Sir Robert Harley, pf Brahip.
ton Bryan Caftle, v^ould fay, *Twas agt«i
queftion which was the 'proudeft. Sir Walter
** Raleigh or Sir Thomas Overbury ; but the
•^ difference that was, was judged 6ri Sir
^* Thomases fide.** : "^ - ^
In a converfation which Drmnmpnd of Haw*
thomden had with Ben JonCba, the latter^ (p^b-
ing of the Engliih Poets, faid, that '^ 6penfer*s
** ftanza pleafed him not, nor his matter;
•* the meaning of the ilkgory of his Fsury
** Queen he had delivered in writing to Sir
^ Walter Raleigh; which was, that by thebleating
♦* beaft he underftood the Furitans, arid by thfc
* He allowed himfclf five hours to reft. ' •
« felfe
«i
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f68 SIR WALTER RALEIGH.
t* feHeDucfla: Ae Queen of ScotsJ' Ben* far-
ther obferved, *' That Sir Walter Raleigh ef-
** teemed more ifame tiian confcience : the beft
*' wits in England were employed in making his
^ hiftonr. Ben himfelf had written a piece to
^^ hiii^ of Ae Pififfic-wdts which he altered, and
.♦* ret4n hii'boofc.^' IVaris 0/ William Drum-
mmi^^ HMftUriOin;^ Fol. Edit. 17 n, p. 225,
ii:.copy OE smiwi KkLEioH*^ xbtter sent
TO MR. DUKE IN DEVON*
** MR. DUKE,
"^l write to IV^r. Prideaux to move you for
^^ therfurchafe of Hayes *, a farm fome time in
'1 l»y fj^ther^s poffefliQn, I will moil willingly
^ giy« whatfoever in your confcience you fhall
^^j.d^epfie. it worth ; and if at any ti^me you fhaH
^ have occalion to ufe me,, you (haJUfind me a
*^ thankfuU friend to you and yours. I am re-
** folved (if I cannot entreat you) to build at
•^ CSotteton'; but f<ir the natural difpofition I
•< have to that place (being born in that houfe)
«* L titfcd rather feate mylelf there -than any
* ** Ha^ca IS in the parijh of Eaft Badlcigh, D^voi,
•< Sir Walter was not buried in Exeter by his father and
•* mother^ nor at Sherborne in Dorfet(hire \ at either of
♦♦ \yhich places he defircd his wife (in his letter the night
♦* brfote his death) to b< interred. His father lived
*♦ eigbty years 00 this ferm^ and wrote Efqmre.^^ — Note by
AyBAEY. •
^* where
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SIR WALTER ' RALEiaH. ' 26$
" where elfe. I take my leave, readie to coun-
" tervaile all your courtdies to the utter of my
** power. Court, y* xxvj of July 1584.
" Your very willmg friend
« In all I fhall be able,
" Walter Raleigh/*
" I have now forgot,'' fays Mr. Aubrey from
Dr. Pell, " whether Sir Walter was not for the
** putting of Mary Queen of Scots to death. I
" thinke yea ; but befides that, at a confultation
" at Whitehall srfter Queen Elizabeth's death,
" how matters were to be ordered, and what
** ought to be done, hp declare 1 his opinion,
*^ 'twas the wifeft way for them tjo keep |thc
*' ftaffe in their own hands, and fet up a Com*
*' monwealth, and not to be fubjed to a needy
" beggarly nation. It feems there were fome
*' of this Caball who kept not this fo fecret but
** that it came to King James's eare, who was at
" where the Englifh No-
*' blefle mett and received him ; and being told
" ujpon their entrance to his Majeftie their ,
'* names, when Sir W. R*. name was told, he
** faid, *' O* my foul, mon ! I have heard. Raw-*
« ly, of thee."
*
^* Sir Walter was fuch a perfon (every way)
« that, as King Charles fays of the Lord Straf*
" ford,
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ajo mi VASTER KALtnm.
*^ ford, a Prince would rather be afrayd of dia^
^^ afiiamed of, he had that awfubiefs and afcend«^
** ancy in his afpefl over other mortals. .
** It was a moft ftately fight, the glory of that
' <^ reception of his Majefty, where the nobility
^ and gentry were in exceeding rich equipages,
^ having enjoyed a long peace under the mod.
*^ esxellent of Queens ; and the company was
^^ fo exceeding numerous, that their obedience,
^ duty, and refpeft, carried a dread with it#
*^ King James did not inwardly like it, and with
** an inward envy faid, that though fo and fo, as
*^ before, he doubted not but he Ihould have
^ been able of his own ftrength (Ihould the
^^ Engliih have kept him out) to have been abl6
*^ to have dealt with them, and got his rights.
^ Sir W. Ralegh fayd to him. Would to God
^ that had been put to the tryal !— -Why do
*^ you wifli that ? replied the King. — Becaufe,
*^ faid Sir W. that then you would have knownc
** your friends from your foes. But that reafon
** of Sir W*. was never forgotten or forgiven.
^ When he was attached by the Officer about
^ the bufineffe which coft him his head, he was
^ conveyed to the Tower in a wherry-boat, I
♦^ think with only two men. Kmg James was
*^ wont to fay, that he was a coward to be fo
" taken
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f^ ta^eft aad conteycd^ whcaa he /might cafily
** haivfc made his efcape from fo fligte a guard. '
,*^ He there, befides his compiling Ws. Hiftpry
" of th^ .World, ftudied chym^ryt I heard my
*^ cofen Whitney fay, that he faw hiiii in the
*' Tower. He had a velvet cap laced, a rich
** gowncj and trunk-hofc.
^^ At the end of his Hiftory of the Worlde,
^* Sir W. laments the Seath of the noble and
*^ ,moft hopeful Prince Henry, whofe great h^
** vourite he was, and who (had he furvived his
;** ^father) would quickly ha,ve enlarged him with
•** rcwardes of honour. He ends his Firft Part
** of his ttiftory of the World * with a gallant^
'^' euloge of him, ^nd concludes : Verfa eft irp
'** luHum Cithara mea ^ cantus mens in vocem
' . - -. »
*^^* Jlentium.** He had. an apparatus for the Se-
«* cond Part, which he in difcontent burnt, and
y faid. If I am not worthy of the world, the
'" world is not worthy of my works.
* t^
" Qld Sir Thoma^ Malett, one of the Juftices
'*« of the King's Bench temp. C?ir. I. and E[.
' • «< This booke fold very flowire at firft, and the boo£-
*• fdler complayned of it, and told him; ^hat he flioold be
•* a lofer by it, which put Sir W. in a paffion. He faid,
<* that fince the woHd did not underiland it, thty Qioiild
'•• not have hi3 Second Part, whidb he took before his fa^e
3» and thKW^nfo'thc fire, and burnt it."— JIfr. Auhrtj. ^
X . ' *^ knew
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" knew Sir W.; and I have heard him fay, that
** notwitfaftanding his fo great maftetlhip in
*^ {tylcy and his converfation with the learnedefl
** and politeft perfons, yet he fpake broad De-
•* vonihire to his dying day^ His voice waS
" fmalK
•* He was fcandalized with atheifm : he was a
•* bold man, and would venture at difcourie
** which was unpleafant to the Churchmen. In
** bis fpeech on the fcaffold (I heard my cofea
** Whitney fay, and Hhinke 'tis printed) that
*« he fpake not of Chrift, but of the great and
*' incomprehenfible God, with much zeale and
'^ adoration, fo that he concluded he was an
" Achrift, but not an Atheift. He tooke a pipe
*' of tobaccp a little before he went to the fcaf-
" fold, which fome formal perfons were fcanda*
««.li^ed at (but I thinke 'twas well and properly
«* donne to fettle his fpirits). The time of his
" execution was contrived to be on my Lord
« Mayor's Day, 1618, (the day after Saint Si-
^« mon and St. Jude,) that the pageants and fine
<* (hows might avocate and draw away the peo-^
<* pie from beholding the tragedie of the gal-
« lanteft worthie that England ever bred."-- •
Aubrey's MS.
"A fcaffold," fays Sir Richard Baker, in his
Chronicle, *' was erefted in th.e Old Palace
« Yard^
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SIR WAtTER RALEIGH. 273
*' Yaird, upon which, afteir fourteen years fe-
** prievejnsnti Sfr Walt^ RafeighV h^d was
" cut off. At which, tiijxe fuch Sundance df
** blood iffued from the veins,' that fliewed he
*« had a ftoik of nkfurt enou^ left! to'hlVe con-
^f tinii«l< him miiiy j^i^^i^s- iii lift, (though now
*< above thredboi^' years oid,)if it had not been
*^*tadd^ii awayby the hsiiid of violeiice: And
"' thia >\^i theena ctf dfe^ jgreat Sir W. Raleigh;
** great fometimisun the wvbur of Queen Eliz-
^f abelh, and Mil to Sir F. Drake the great
^^'-fcotli'ge aSld htfti erf tile Spaniards } who had
'^ many things to bc^ cdmmetided in his life, but
«*^ titohe ni*e th'^ Hi^ cdhftaijcy at his death,
*' whicli h6 tdok.^ith fa undaainted i refolution,
^ that one migln jJ^rceiVe he had a certain ex-
** pe^kaitidn of a better liipe after ft, fb far ivas
^ h6 frckii holding thofe atheiftical dpiiiions, aa
^ afperfiem vrhertof fome perfoiis had caft iipoa
"the folidwitig lines were 'whitteii by iSir Wal-
ter the mght before his execodkMi': •
Jl?€n fitch IS Time, thit takes on truft
. , . X>ur ydtrih, xAt jdy es* oiir aM #fe Hkvtt^
And pays us b\|t with sig^ and duft;
Who iii the dafrk and Stent grare
(When we have wanderM all our ways)
5huts dp the (lory of our iaysl
But from tbisnc^rth^ thii g^vCyMt duftj-
My God (hail iralfe me up^ I tlraft.
" V6l. u t
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(r
1 274 3
LAUNCELOT J^NDJtEWES,
lOKD BtaMOr OF WlMCME»tE«, - '
• f , ' *"*
" was a Fellow of Pcrafc^rpkjg-H^l, iifc Cam^
bridge (then called Collegium Efifcop.) for.thaf
" in one time in thofe^ days there vfect fevcri of
" that Houfc. The PuiTit^ , faftioa did tfegin
«^ to emerge m thofe days, and efpecially at£m*-'
" manual College : they had a great mind to
*' draw in to thqm this learned joung man ; who
** (if they could make ftrong) they kpew would
" be a great honour to them. They carried
*' themfelves antiently widi great feverity and
« ftridlnefs.. They preached up the ftrift keep-
*' ing and obferving of the Lord*s-Day, made it
«' damnation to break it, and that 'twas leffe fia
*^ to kill a man. Yet thefe hypocrites did bowl
** in a private Green at other Colleges, ^very
^^ Sunday after fermon. And one at th^ CoK^
*' lege, (a loving friend to Mr. Andrewes,) to fa*
** tisfy him, lent him one day the key of the
*' private bacbdoor to the Bowling^Green,
*^ where he difcovered thefe zealous Preachers
" with their gpwnes oflf earoeft at play ; but
** they were ftrangcly furprized to fee the entry
'^ of one who was not of the brotherhood.
** There was then at Cambridge a good fatt
<* Alderman that was wdnt to fleep at church,
*« which
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BI9H0P ANDR£irE$f 2f$
^' which the Alderman endeavoured to prevent,
" but could not. Well, this was preached*
^ againft as a mark of reprobation. The good
^^ man was exceedingly troubled at it, and went
*' to Mr. Andrewes's chamber to be iatisfied in
** pomt of confdence. Mr. Andrewes told him,
^^ it was an ill habit of body, not of mind, zad
^ adrifed him on Sundays to make a fpaiing
<' meal at d|miar> and to ma^e it up at fuppen
'^ The Alderman did fo, but fleepe comes upon
^ him againe for all that, and he was preached
<.' againft. He comes again to Mr. Andrewe^
" with tears in his eyes to be refolved } who
<< then told him that he would have him make
** a full heatty meale as he was ufed to do, and
" prefently after take iDut his full fleep. The
<' Alderman followedhis advice, and csuhi^yto
^' St. Marie's qhurch the Sunday afterwards^
^ where the Preacher was provided with a feif-
^« mon to damn all thofe who ilept ait that godly
«^ exercife> as a mark of rgprobaticMi. The good
*^ Alderman, having taken Mr. Andrewes's ad-
*< vice, looks at the Preicher all the fermon*
•^ time, and Spoiled his^efign. Mr. Andrewe$
^ was extremely fpoken and preached againft
** for offering to aflbyle or excufe a fleeper id
^^ fermon-time. But he had learning and witt
*' enough to defend hinifelf.''--*^«^^x MS*
Notes.
f$ "The
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ffjTft filSHOP ANDREWES*.
, ** The fallncfe a£-hi$ material Ifianaang;^ hp
theDedscatbn o£ B^hop. Andrevei'ii Sermons^
<5 lejK: room enough m the temper of his braift
<5 for almpfl: aB baguagje^J^afii^d anfljiio*-
^f (teni> to fisat tihcmfelve* ^ fo tJwtt. Ws. rwrwg?
^^ had all the help$ ]angu2^*(;ould:affi3riii,2^4
'i^ hi& lang^uagea tearnmg enough &r ihe befl of
^ thei^ to exp)?ef^; hif judgnimit^ ul the meatt
^ time, fo commaHiftiig^ovef both, is^^t- Elei-
^'thir of them was- buffered' idly or curionfly
^ taftait from, or feU'fliort of, their intended
* ftope ; fo that wrf-ttMty better fay t)f hiht dfcin
^ \v'as^ feid of eiaudius Drufiis, He was* of as
7 many and as great virtues as mortal nature
^ codld receive, or induftry biake perfeft."
cr'Hn&PndateV cbaraE&lsr was fo.tcasfeendtot,
^uMrMihon lHm&l£d]d..not difdain' ta write, an
£^y upon his^ death* Archbiibop luiud is &id
tplf^eoMde tii^cfi ^die Ritual of Bifliop An-
Arew8, in the Ceremonies of the Church.
^. 1^ his. " Diary/Vlf^'^ ^^us ^c;al;;$ of ;hi$
great Prelate : ^ Sept^rai* -Abot^t ^^r o'clock in
J^fthe-i^ipming^dicd |*ayncelot A^4rewe$, the
1* mod. worthy BUhoj) of Windteftef, thpjK^*^
r%ht of tUCIiriftira. world/'. ,' ~. ;
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€€
€C
C «77 !3
DR. HAf DOCK.
*' James the Firft/' fays Wilfon, '' took delight
** by the line of his reafon to found the depths
**. of bruitifli impoftures, and he difcovered many:
for in the beginning of his. reign, Richard
" Haydockj of New-College in Oxford, prao
** tifed phyfick in the day, and preached in th^
*' night in his bed. Hii praftice came -by hi^
^^ profeflion, and his preaching (as he pi-^^
*' tended) by revelation : for he would take a
^f text in his fleep, aiid deliver a good fermoij
upon it ; and though his auditorie were will*
" ing to filence him, by pulling, haling, an,4
" pinching, yet Would he pertinadouflyperfill to
" the end, and fleep ftill. The fame of ihis
^^ fleeping Preacher flyes abroad with a light
** wing, which coming to the fong^s knowledge,
'^ he commanded hi -^ he fate
" up one night t( hen the
*^ time came that xt it Vas
*' fit for him tp^ 1 .With 2^
*' prayer, then tool ^, which
"he fignificantly enough infifted on a while,
*' but after made an excurfion againft the Pope,
^* the Crofs in Baptifm, and the laft Canons of
^* the Church of England, and fo concluded
^* fl^epin^. The King would not trouble him
T 3 " tb^t '
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2yB DR. HAYDOCK.
*' that night, letting him reft after his labors, but
*' fent for him the next morning, and in private
•' handled him fo like a cunning Surgeon, that
*' he found out the fore j making him confefs
** not onely his fin and error in the aft, but the
' *^ caufe that urged him to, it which was, that he
f* apprehended himfelf as a buried man in the
'^ Univerfitie, being of a low condition, and if
*' fomething eminent . and remarkable did not
** fpring from him, to give life to his reputation,
*' he Ihould never appear any body, which made
** him attempt this novelty to be taken. notice
** of. The King, finding him ingenuous in his
** confeiSon, pardoned him, and (afi:er his recant^
** ation publiquely) gave him preferment in the
" Church. Some others, botl| men and women,
«* infpired with fuch enthufiafmes, and fr^tique
«' fencies, he reduced to their right fenfes, appiy*
" ing his remedies fuitable to the diftemper,
y^ wherein he made himfelf often very merry,
** And truly the loofneffe and carelefiieffe of
" pyblique juftice fets open a dore to fuch flagi-
«« tious and nefarious adlions, as feverer times
'^< would never have perpetrated.*'
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C ^79 1
DR. DONNE,
PEAN OF ST. Paul's.
This learned Divine having married a lady of
at rich and nobk femily without the confent of
her parents, was treated by them with great af-
pcrity. Having been told by the father, that he
was to exped no money from him, the Doftor
went home, and wrote the following note to
him: " John Donne, Anne Donne, undone.**
This quibble had the defired effeft, and the dif*
trefled couple were reftored to fiivour.
It w^s faid of Donne a$ of Picus de Miran-
dola, that he 1^ rather' bom wife than made fo
by ftudy : yet, a^ his Biographer tells us, " h?
*^ left behind him the refultance of fourteen
f^ hundred authors, moft of them abridged and ^
f* analyfed with. his own hand/*
QROTIUS,
This grfiat Civilian was in London in 1613,
fent thither by the States General of Holland to
fettle fome difputes th?|t had taken place between
that country and England, refpedting the right
T 4 of
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28o qR^tTms;
of fifhcrjr in the North Sea. Cafaubon fays,
that if he was not ii^ti^^e^ witjj the decifion of
the Englifh Minifter on the fubjeft of the difpute,
he h^d great reafon to be flattered with the rer
th,e Firfi, ,who wa^ much ple?ifed :fj?ith ^ cojit
Yeff^o«L% ^d ihewe4 i^xa th? grej»)teijt .^rttegr.
tipn. Gjrotiuf *^ Cjomp^Ay afld conyer^ion wer^g
flx)j, hoijff yer, iTiucl^ reli/he^ j^ ibme pf ^hs
Qonrms, nDf jjy jiis Ma^^% i^^B^^^p ^ ^Bfm
by the fpilqiyj?^' Letter of Arcffj^ifljiop Ahbpf tf|
Sir R?\pb Whvwoj94^ Secretary 0^ Su^te, .djftf^
Lambeth, Jupe ijj ^13:
*« You muft take heed how ypu tr\ift Dr. Gro-
**' tius too far, for I perceive him fo addided to
** fome partialities in thpfe partl^hat he fearetli
*' no( to lafli, fo it may ferve a turn. At his
^ fii-fl: coming to the King, by reafon of his
** good Latine tongue, he was fo tedious and
" full of tittle-tattle, that the ling's judgment
V was of him, that he was fome pedant ftill of
*' words and of n^ great judgment. And I
" myfelf difcovering that to be his habit, as if
** he did imagine that every n;ian was bound to
*^ hear him fo long as he would talk, (which is a
*' great burthen to men repleat with bufynefs,)
*« did privately give him notice thereof, that he
* Mire Grotif'^ fermonibus, dek^atiu.-^Cafaubon. Efijiol^*
" fhould
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^r{bo}^\A phlnly and direfUj delhrqr His mind,
^ OT ^e he would make (he King ^eary of h&n.
^ This did not fbtak^ place, but that afterwards
^ he feU to it agahi, as was e^ciatly obferved
^> one n%bt at fupper at the Lord Si(ho]^ 6t
^ Ely^s, whither bdng brought by Monficiir
i^ Gafaubon, (as I flunk,) my Lord intreated him
f • to ftay to fupper, which he ^. There was
*^ prefent Dr. Steward and another CWiUan, unto
*^ whom he ilings out fome queftion of that
^* prefefllon; and was fo full of words, that
f^ Dr. Steward afterwards told my Lord, that
^ he did perceive by him, that like a fmatterer
*' he had ftudyed fome two or three queftions,
^* whereof when became in company he muft
f» be talking^© vitidicate his fkill| but if he
f* were put from ihofe^ he would fliew himfelf
*♦ but a fimple fellow. There was prefent alfo
J^^ Dr. Ridhardfon, the King's Profeffor of Divi-
^' liity In Cambri^ige, and another Doftor in
^^ that faculty, with whom he falleth in alfo
^' about fome of thofe queftions which are now
^' contrbverted among the Minifters in Holland.
*^ /kxkd being matters wh^ein he was fludyed^
f* he uttered all his Ikill concerning them j my
" Lord of Ely fitting ftill at the fupper all the
^* while,* and wondering what a man he haj4
** there, who not being in the place or company
** before, could overwheba them ib with ta^;
•^ for
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tZZ OROT1U!I.
<* for fo long a thnc. J write this unto you fo
** largely, that you may know the difpofition of
*^ the man, 3Ad how kindly he ufed my Lord of
^ Ely for hi$ good entertamment* For when
^. he took his leave of the King, he fell into dif-
<* cQurfe what a femous Church was here in
^? England, what worthy men the Bifhops wer^,
*• how he adipirf d th^ eccleiiaftical government,
*^ what great contentment he received by con-
^' ference with many learned inen, * But/
*^ faith he, * J do perceive that your gr^at i|ien
<^ do not all^gree in thofe queflion^ controverted
** ampngft us j fo^, in talking ym\i vay, L|Ord of
*' Ely, I percQive that he is of opinion, that a
^^ man that is truly juftified, fanftified, may ex*
.*' ddere a gratidy although not Jf^aliter, yet tpta*
." liter.^ The King's Majefty knowing tljat.my
** Lord of ply had heartofore incli|ic4 to that
" opinion, but, b^ing tpl4 th^ King's judgment
/' of it, had mad^ fh?w to defift from broaching
*' any fuch thing, (for then it va? as yreWj^naiiter
" as /p/^//V^r,J did.fecretly cpmplain to me that
' ♦^ my Lord ihould revive any fuch thing, and
*^ efpecially makeJt known unto a. fteanger.
*V Whereupon I moved my Lord in it,: and told
.** him what the Doftor had faid, and to whom ;
i ^^ but thereunto he replied with eamefl affever-
- ** ation, :that he had not ufed any fu<;h fpeech
;** unto. him, and was. much abufed by that re-
'..- ' ^' port.
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onotius. 8^3
«* port. TJiereupon he pffered by letters fcnt
♦* into Holland to challenge Grotius for it, as
<< having done him a fingular wrong to report
*' fo of him to the Bang, I replyed, that I held
*' it fitter to let jit abne, nbt to draw contention
*' on himfelf wijh fo bufy a man. I would fa*
" tisfy the King, and fo might his Lordfliip
•^ alfo } but he would do well to be wary how
" he had to do with any of thofe parts ill aflfefted,
** for he had been once be&re fo ferved by Ber*
*< tins, the Author of the book De Apojiqfid
^* Saniiorum ; who, upon fpeech with Mr. Bed-^
*• well Leyden, vauntingly gave it out, th?^t hid
*^ Ix)rd(bip and the Bifliop of Lincoln were of
" his opinion. You will aft me what is this to
*• you ? I miift tell you, therefore, that you fliall
^* not be without your part. At the fame time
*^ that Sir Noel Caroa was together with Gro-
** tius, being now to ^take his leave of the King,
** it was defired of his JVIajefty that he would
** not haftily give his judgment concerning points
*' of religion now in difference in Holland, for
** that his Majefty had information but of one
*^ fide J and that his Ambaffador did deal par*
** tially, making the reports in favour of the one
*^ fide, and faying nothing at all for the other j
** for he might have let his Majefty know how
? factious a generation thele Contradiftors ^re ;
?<^ how they are like to pur Puritan? in England;
<< how
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184 OROTttm,
<* how re^-aftory they are to the authority of
^* the civiH magiftrate, aad other things of Hkc
^ nature^, as I wrote you in my former letter. I
^* doubt not but Grotius hail his part in this in-
^ fonnatibn, whereof I conceive you will make
^ fome ufe, keeping thefe things privately to
*^ yourfelf, as becometh a man of youf imploy-
•* ment. When his Majeftie told me this, I
♦* gave fuch an anfwer as was fit, and now, upon
•* the receipt of your letters, fljall upon the irft
*• occafion give further fatisfaftion. All things
•* reft here as they did, and I, as ready to do
♦* you all good ofBoes^ do remaincj &c.
^ G. Cant.
<* From Lambeth.'^ -
Grotius, in a letter to Jfaac Voffius, gave him
his fentiments upon the education of boys.
** Many perfons/' fays he, ^ make ufe of tutors
** for the education of their children, which
^*' hardly ever fucceeds as it was intended. I
^ have never approved of that method of educa-
*' tion, for I know that ybung perfons learn only
^ when they are together, and that their appli-
** (ration is languid where there is no emularioii.
^ I am as little of a friend to fchools where the
** matter fcarce knows the names of his fcholarsj
^ where the number is fo great, that he cannot
^ diftribute his attention upon each of theni^
^* whofe
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Qvuarws^ its
^ i«Ilc& cosnpofiidba requires a pardciilkr at-
^^ tendoiu For t}iefe reafon^, I trifh that z
^^ medium of the two methods were taken ; that
V a matter took only ten or twelve boys, wha
^^ fto^d Sve in tke fsone h<^fe^ andl^e 6£ the
•• fetoe claflfes, by which me^s tSie mafter hun-
*f felf WbtiW not t)eoY^leaded with cares^**
Aubeii duiMaurier, Ambiflador from FwAce
to Holland, dcfired Grotius to give him a plait of
ftudy. He complied with his requeft, and it is
printed in a Colleaion on the feme fubjeft, mti-
tkdi •*' De omni Studiorum Gehere In/Htuen^^^
ElzeHfin 1^37. He Tecdmihtods his fcholar to
begin with an Abridgment of Ariftotle^s Logic j
to proceed to Phyfics, where he is not to remain
long, and where indeed, in the time of Grotius,
there-was Kttle to arreft the attention ; next to
|nroceed to Metaphyficfs ted to Morals; for
which fetter fcience he highly recommerids AriC
totle^s^ook of Ethics to Nlcomachus j then ^
proceed' to Hiftory j and j -differently from all
others, he here laid down rules for tba^ ftiwlyj
He advifes his pupil to begin with thofe hiflorles
that are ncareft to his awn times.
• This great civiMan and general fchokr is thus
defcribed by Du Maurier :
6 ^ Grotiofi
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a86 cuariufc
*^ . Grotius was a very good poet in the Greek
*^ and ia the Latin femguagcs, and knew per-
H fcdlly well all the dead and the living lan-
*' guages. He wa^, befides, a profound lawyer,
^^ taiid a mbft e:^ceUent hUlori^n. He had read
** all tl^^ good books that had ever been p;ul>
** lifhed i and what i& aftonifhing, his memory
^ was fo ftrong, that everything which he had
**. ^nce read, was everprefent to if, without his
1^,fbrg(etting the moft trifling circumftance. It
*^ has been often remarked, that perfons of grea.t
** ipen^ories have not always been perfons of
** good and of found judgment. But Grotius
** was extremely judicious^ both in his writings
♦^ and in his converfation, I have often,** adds
Du Maurier, " feen this.great man juft caft his
*^ eye. upon a page of a huge folio volume, and
*' inftantaneoufly Jjecpme acquainted with the
♦' <:oiuentg of it. hiie .ufed to takq it for his
^ motto, Hora rtuty to put himfelf in cpmtinual
4f remembrance that, he fhould ufefully employ
*^. ths^t time which was flying away with extreme
** rapidity.
** Grotius was born at DeHt in HoUwdj was
** a tall, ftrong, and well-made man, and had a
** very agreeable countenance. With alt thefe
*' excellencies of body his mind was ftill as ex-
^ cellent. He was a man of opennefs, of vera-
- << city.
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«• dty, and of Jionour, andfo pericfllyfirtaoasi'
** that throughotit his whofe Hfi^ he made a'
" .point of avoiding and of deferting men of bad
*^ charafter, but of feeking the acquaintance:.©?
*< men of worth, and perfons diftinguiflied by
U: talents, iv* only, of his owiiiCountry, butlof
•'-all Europe, ♦with, whom he kept up an epiilo-r
*' bry^orrefpondence.^'
Grotius efcaped from thecaftleof Louyeftein^'
where he hadr been confined on account of hb
connexion wit^ the illuftrious and unfortunate
Barneveit,'by the addrefs of his wife. She was:
permitted ta fend him books, aiid fhe fent them
in a trunK large enough to hold her hufbani^
She made a pretence to vifit him, and ilaid in
the fortr^fs till her huiband wftst>ut of the reach
of his perfecutors.
Grotius took refuge in France, and was.ac*
cufed by foriie of his countrymen of intending to
change his reUgion and become a Catholic.
"Alas,** replied he to one of his friends who
had written to him on the fubjeft, •' whatever
f^ advintage there may be to quit a weaker
'** p^rty that oppreffes me, to ^o over to k
*' ftronger one that would receive me with open
" arms, I truft that I ihall never be tempted to
*' do fo. And fince,** added he, " I have had
« courage
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** courage' felkftigh ib b«ar npr trixdbx' imprifon*'
^ stents I tiruft than I Ihaff ftot be in' wint of it
*♦ tA enable sae to fuppoirt poverty and banifhi*
^ msnt/* ^
I^tiiS'Xin, gate GM*iu3^ A Vetf ebftfide*2^^^
p^fi^.' Hi^ wafe, however, no favouritef ^tli'
his Minifter, the Cardinal de Richelieu, whotai,
it is faid, he did not fufficiently flatteif for his Kte-
tary talents, ^d ttee penfion ^ias foon ftopped*
GiJotiuSy' h&wtvtPj met with a pfoteSVefs iii
ehriftina, f^m 6f Swedai, Whd made hitri'
her. Ambafl&uibT at Paris* ' Hefe again' he was ha*
rafled by Richeiieti^ who was* angry with him for*
^ot givMg him that pi<ecedence* as a Prinfcd of
the .Churchy tcj: which Grotfns thought himfetf
chtatled as a repnefentative of a cilt)Wii€ld htkdt
This dignity, however, was fo little agreeable w
a man of Grotlus's great and good mind, that
m a letter which he wrote to his fathej: frpm
P^is he telk hip), " I am really quite tired put
« ^ith honours, A private and a quiet lila
"alone has ehayms for me^ and I Ihould be
*} very ha{^y if I were in a fitu^itign in >hiqti I
^} could only employ myfelf upon works of piety^
^} and works that might be trieful to poftaity.-*^
His celebrated wotk upon the Truth of, th€f
Chriftian Re%ion has been tranflated into all
tlie^ language of f^xx:^ ^ and JAtp foime of thofe
of
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bfeoTiubi ^ 289
bf the Eaft. This great fcholar in early life com-
pofed a Devotional Treatife in Flemifh verfe, for
the ufe of the Dutch failors that made voyages to
the Eaft and Weft Indies.
iBs country meii, who had perfecuted him fo
violently Jn his lifetime, ftruck a medal inhohour
of him after his de^th, in which he is ftyled tlm
*' Oracle of Delft, the Phoenix of his Country.'*
It may be feen in the " Uiftoire Medallique de la
" Holiand^r and verifies what Horace faid long
ago,
Urit enim fulgore fuo^ qui pragravat artfs
Infra fe pofitas : extin^tus amabiiur idem.
The man whofe life wife Nature has defign'd
To teach, to humanize, to fway his kind.
Burns by a flame too vivid and too bright^
And dazzles by excefs of fplendid light*
Yet when the heto fceks the gtavc's fad ftate^
The vain and changing people, wife too late,
O^cr his pale corpfe their fruitlefs honours pout,
^heir friend, their favipur, and their guide deplore)
Arid eajph fad'' impotence of grief betray^
To reallumine the Promethean clay.
VOL. i.
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C ^90 1
SIR TOBY MATTHEWS
fays, in the Preface to the Colledion of Englifh
Letters which he made in King James the Firfl's*
time, " that there is no ftock or people in the
•^ whole world where men of all conditions live
•* fo peaceably, and fo plentifully, yea and fo
" fafely alfo, as in England. The EngKfh,'*
adds he, " unite the greateft concurrence of the
*' mofl excellent qualities: they are the mofl:
*^ obligeable, the mofl: civil, the mofl: modefl:
*' and fafe in all kinds of all nations. To con-
** elude therefore upon the whole matter, I con-
" cur, generally, and even naturally, vnth a
" certain worthy, honefl:, and true-hearted Eng-
** lifliman who is now dead (meaning Sir Dennis
^* Bruflels). For once after a grievous fit of the
*' ftone, (when he was no lefs than fourfcore
'* years old,) he found himfelf to be out of pain,
" and in fuch kind of eafe in the way of re-
^ covery as that great weight of age might ad-»
" ^mit ; wherewith the good man was fo pleafed,
•^ that he fell to talk very honefl:Iy, though very
" pleafantly alfo, after his manner: If God
*' fliould fay thus to me. Thou art fourfcore
*' years of age, but yet I am content to lend
^ thee a dozen years more of life ; and becaufe
" thou hafl: converfed with the men of fo many
" nations in Europe^ my pleafure is, that for
*' here-
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Sift. TOBY MATTHEWS. ^^t
*^ hereafter thdu (halt have leave to chufe for
** thyfelf of which thou would rather be than of
** any other; I would quickly know how to
*' make this anfwer without ftudying : Let me
*• be neither Dutch, nor Flemifh, nor French,
" nor Italian, but an Englifhman !— an Englifh-
*• man, good Lord! This fiud he, and this fay
^' I,*' adds Sir Toby, « as being moft dearly
'\ of his mind/' :
INIGO JONES.
Tttis great Architedt, a pupil of Palladio, ap«
Jpears to have excelled his mafter in magnificence
and fplendor of defign. What can be conceived
knore grand in defign, and more exquifite in de«
coration, than the palace of Whitehall planned
by him, and of which the prefent banqueting*
houfe made a part. The original Drawings of
this intended palace are in the Library of Wor-
cefter College in Oxford ; they are extremely
highly finilhed, and are npt fuppofed to have
been executed by the hand of the architect him*
felf.
Lord Burlington publilhed a complete Col-
ledipn of the Defigns of Inigo Jones, and was
V 2 fo
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fo hnpreflfed with the beauty of the Corinthiail
Portico which his favourite Architeft had ap-
pended to the old Gothic* fabric of St. PiuPs
Cathedral, that on feeing the prefent beautiful
Chriftfen Tempk built on the fite of the old
church by Sir Chrift<^her Wren, and being alked
what he thought of it, he exclaimed, ^ When
** the Jews faw the fecond Temple, they reflefted
*< upon the beauty of the firft, and wept/*
The firfl work which this great archited exe-
cuted after his return from Italy, is faid.to have
been the decoration of the infide of the Church
of St. Catherine Cree m LeadenhaU-flreet*
CHARLES tHE FIRST.
[1625—1649.}
This accompKflied, Sovereign when Prince of
Wales, and fo(Hi after his return from Spain, is
* << It watf the fefhion/* fays Ofborn, " in James the
^ Firft*8 time, for the prmrfp^ G^ntiy, Lords, Courtiers,
•* and men of all profeflionsy to meet in St. Paul's Cbuich
•* by eleven^ and walk in tht middle aiile till twelve, and
•* after dinner from three to fix ; during which time fomc
•» difcourfcd of bufinefs, fome of news."— ^om^xy^^we
to a Son.
thus
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CHAS,I-E« THE FIR^T* 193
tbw defcribcd by the Countefs of Bedford^
in a ktter to hia fifter the Queett: of Bohemia :
*' None plaies his part in this our world with
fo due applaufe as your excellent brother,
who wins daily more and more upon the hearts
of all good mew, aud hath begotten, by his
priftcelie aad wife proceedings, fuch an opinion
of his realitie, judgment, and worthie i^ten*
tiom for the public good, thajt I think, never
Prince was mtore powerful in the Parliament-
houfe than he ; ieind there doth he esqprefs
huafelf fobftantially fo well, that he is ofte^
called up to fpeak, and he doth it with that
fatisfaflion to both Houfes as is much admired j
and he behaves hknfetf with as much reverence
to the Houfes, when either himfelf takes oo-
cafion to fpeak, or is cHofea by them to do fo,
unto the Lower Houfe, as any other man who
fits s^nongft them ; and he will patiently bear
Gontradiftions, and qjjmly forego his own
opinions, if he have been miftaken, which
yet hath fo feldom happened, as not above
twice in all this time he hath had caufe to .
approve of any other than his own ; all which
are fo remarkable excellencies in a Prince fo
young, fo lately come to bjs himfelf, as I am
fure the world hath not another to parallel
^ with him. He is befides moft diligent and
y 3 ^* inde>-
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294 CHARLES THE FIRST.
♦' indefatigable in bufineffes, a patient hearer,
*^ judicious in diftinguifhing counfells, moderate
** in his aftions, fteady in his refolutions ? fo
** ^ven as variablenefs is a thing neither in deed
*' nor in appearance in him ; and fo civil and
^* accomplifhed withall every way, both in mind
** and body, that confider him even not as
** Prince, (which yet adds much luftre to him,)
<* ?m4 there is nobody who muft not acknow-
«« ledge him to be a gentleman very full of per*?
*^ f(pftions ; and, without flatterie, I know none
*' to be compared with him, for his virtues and
" parts are eminent, without any mixture of
*' vanity or vice,"
*' February 1621. — ^I ftood by the moft illuf-
*' trious Prince Charles at dinner. He was then
*^. very merry, and talked occafionally of many
** things with his attendants. Amongft othey
** things, he faid if h^ were neceflitated to take
^^ any particular profeffion of life, he could not
^* be a Lawyer, adding his reafons : I cannot
** (Md he) defend a bad, nor yield in a good
^* caufe. Sic in majoribus fuccedas^ in aiemun^
** faujitisy fereniffini^ Princeps.*^
/ * Archbijhop Laud^s Diary.
James Howell wrote a Treatife with this tide,
f* Of the Land of Ire, or, a Difconrfe of that
^* horn4
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CHARLES TrtE FIRST. 2.95
** horrid, Infurreftion and Maffacre which hap-
*' .pened lately in Ireland, by Mercurius Hiber-
** nicus, who difcovers unto the World the true
*' Caufes and Incentives thereof, in Vindication
** 6f his Majefty, who is moft malicioufly tra-
*« duced to be acceffary thereto, which is as
** damnable a Lie as poffibly could be hatched
^^ in Hell, which is the Staple of Lies.
** A Lie Hands upon one leg,
<* Truth upon two^''
Amongft other reafons to account for the in-
furredlion and maflacre in Ireland, Howell ftates,
** that the army of eight thoufand men, which
^\ the Earl of Strafford had raifed to be tranf-
" ported to England, for fupprefling the Scot,
*' being by the advice of our Parliament here
^* diffolved, the country was anaoyed by fome
** of thofe draggling foldiers, as not one in twenty
^* of the Irifh will from the fword to the fpade^
^^ or from the pike to the plough again. There-
** fore the two Marquiffes that were Ambafladors
?* here then from Spain, having propounded to
^* have fome numbers of thofe diibanded forces
^^ for the fervice of their mafter, his Majefty,
" by the mature advice of his Privy Council, to
^' prevent the mifchiefs that might arife to his
^* kingdom of Ireland by thefe lopfe cafhjered
i« foldiers, yielded to the Ambafla4ors' piotjon,
y 4 " who
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Qg6 CHARLES THE FIRSt,
^* who fent advice to Spain accordingly, and fo
" provided fliipping for their tnuifport^ and im^
" prefled many to advance the bufineft. But as^
* " they were at the heat of their work, his Ma-
^ jefty being tlien in Scotland, there was a fudden
*' flop made of thefe promifed troops, who had
** depended long upon the Spaniard's fervicc, as
*' the Spaniard had done upon theirs, and this
*' was the laft though not the leaft folid caufe of
*' that horrid infurreftion. All which particu-
*' lars well confidered, it had been no hard mat-
** ter to have been a prophet, and ftanding upon
*' the top of Holyhead, to have forefeen there
*' thick clouds engendering in the Iriih air,
^^ which broke out afterwards into fuch fearful
^^ tempcfts of blood.^
** His Majefty, then Prince of Wales, being
f* arrived in Spain,'* adds Howell, " the igno-
^* rant country people cried outj The Prince of
" Wales is come hither to make himfelf a
*' Chriftian. The Pope indeed wrote to the
** Inquifitor-General of Spaiia, to offer to ufe all
^* the induflry they could to reduce him to the
f* Roman religion j and one of the Count Duke
^^ Olivarez's firfl compliments to him was, that
f ' he doubted not but his Highnefs came thither
f ^ to change his religion ; whereunto he made 4
f* fhort anfwer, that he came not thither for
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CHARLES THE FIRST, 497
i^ religion, but for a wife. The Infantisi of Spaii|
^ herfelf defired him to vifit the.Nimne of Car-
^^ ton, hopteg that the fakl Nunne, who was fo
^ muth cried up for mfl-aclcs, might havewroi^ht
f^ one upon him ; but he at leaft failed her : nor
^ was his Highncfs fo weak a fubjeft to work
^ upon, according to hi« fete Msgefty's (Jame$
f^ the fijft) fpeech to Drs. Mawe and Wifen>
f^ when they came to kife hands before they went
^* to Spaine to attend the Prince their matter,
f * He wifted them to have a care of Buddngi;
f * ham : As touching his fonne Charles, he apr
f^ prehended no feare at alt of him J forbckne^
f < him to be fo well grounded a Proteftant, tb^t
f* nothing could change his religion/^
« Thfe King's reign,'^ adds Howell, '^^ wa?
f ^ paralleled to that of Queen Elizabeth (who was
f * the gteateft minion of a people that ever was) |
f * but one will find^ that flie ftretched preroga-
i^ tive much further. In her time (as I have
f * read in th^ Latin Legend of her life) fome had
f* tfieir hands cut off for only writing againft h^
f* matching with the Duke of Anjou* ; others
^* were hanged at Tyburn for traducing her
^* Government. She pardoned thrice as many
f^ Roman Priefts as the King did j fhe paffed
f ^ divers monopolies j , fhe kept an Agent at
* See p. 200 of this Volume.
" Romej
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«98 CHARLES THE FIRST*
^* Rome J fhe fent her Serjeant at Arms to pluck
5^ out a Member then fitting in the Houfe of
*^ Commons by the ears, and claimed him in
^^ prifon; Ihe called them fancy fellows to med#
^^ die with her prerogative, or with the govern-
" mentofherhoulholdj fhe managed all ford^
*^ aflFairs, fpecially the wars with Ireland, by her
*^ Privy Council ; yet there was no murmuring
" in her reign ; and the reafon I conceive to be,
** that neither Scot or Puritan had any ftroke in
^* England.'* — HoweWs Italian Profpe^he.
Howell concludes one of the many Pamphlets
that he wrote in the reign of Charles the Firft
thus : ** I will conclude this point with an ob-
** fervation of the moft monftrous number of
♦* witches that have fwarmed fince the wars
" againft th? King, more (I dare fay) than have
** been in this Ifland fince the Devil tempted Eve }
♦' for in two counties only, viz. SuflFolk and Effex,
** there have been upwards of three hundred
^' arraigned, and eighteen executed, as I have it
*' from the Clerks of the Peace of the two
>* counties. What a barbarous, devilifh office
*^ one had, under colour of exoneration, to tor-
** ment poor filly women with watchings, pinch-
*^ ings, and other artifices, to iind them for
^ witches : while others (called fpirits) by a new
^* invention of villainy, were connived at, for
^^ feizing
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CHARLtS THB FIHST. S99
^ feiziqg upon young children, and hurrying
•* them on ihip-board, where, having their hea^iU^
** fhaven, they were fo transformed that their
^f parents could not know them, and fo were
^ carried over for new fchifmatical plantations
^ to New England, and other feminaries of
*^ rebellion. My JLord,** fays Howell, (this Trea-
tife is addrefled to Philip Earl of Pembroke,)
** there is no villainy that can enter into the
*^ imagination of man hath been left here un-
** committed ; no crime, from the higheft trca-
*' fon to the meaneft trefpafle, but thefe Rc-r
^ formers are guilty of T^
IJowell, in his Dialogue intltled " Pairicus
** &f Peregrinus^^ thus defcribes fome of th^
preludes that ufhered in the Civil Wars between
Charles and his Parliament :
^* It is,** fays he, ** a long time that both
^^ Judges, Bifhops, and Privy Councillors have
^< b?ei» ipi^ttered at, whereof the firft fhould be
** the oracles o^ the law, the other /of the Go£.
** pel, and thp laft of State Aflfairs. It was
.. . f * common for every ignorant Client to arraign
^' his Judge, for eyery puny Curate to cenfiire
*' his Biihop, for every fliallow-brained home-
•* bred fellow to defcant upon the refults of the
#^ Council-Table: and this fpirit of contradic-
« tion
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^9^ GBARLES THE fIRSV,
^ don and of contmnacy has been a long timo
^* lamenting in the min4s of thp people,**
** I have heard/' feys Dr. Waller in his Fu»
neral Sermon on the Death of the Countefs of
Warwick, *' that it was the obfervation of that
^' great Antiquary Charles the Firft, that the
*^ three ancientcft femiKes of Europe for Nobilky
^^ arc in England the Veres Earls of Oxford,
^* the Fitzgeralds in Ireland Earb of I^Hare,
^^ and the Montmorendes in France/*
Charles ufed to fay of himfelf, that he knew fo
much of arts and manufaftures in general, that
he believed he could get his Kving by any of
them, except wcavmg in tapcftry.
This unfortunate Monarch moft probf^bly met
with his very fevere fate in confequence of his
duplicity. Cromwell declared that he could ndt
(ruil Mm. His fate is a ftr&ing inftance c^ the
truth of the maxim of Menander^ thus tranflat^
by Grotius ;
In re omni conducibile ejl quovis tempore
Verum prokquier. Idque in vitdj^ondeq 4t^
Securitatis effe partem maximam.
At every time, and upon all occafions,
'Tis right to fpcak the truth. And thi$ I vouch
In every various ftate of human life
The grcateft part of our fccurityt
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eHABLLES /THE FXRST^ ^6t
Of the letter which is faid to have been the
caufe of the death of Charles, the Author of the
** Richardfoniana" has preferved the following
very curious account:
*' Lord BoKngbroke told us * (June 12, 1742)
** that Lord Oxford had often told him that
^ he had feen, and had in his hands, an original
*' letter that King Charles the Firft wrote to the
*' Queen, in anfwer to one of her*s that had
** been intercepted, and then forwarded to him ;
** wherein fhe reproached him for having made
** thofe villains too great conceffions (viz. that
*^ Cromwell fhould be Lord Lieutenant of Ire-
*^ land for life without account ; that that king-
** dom fhould be in the hands of the party, with
** an army there kept which fhould know no
head but the Lieutenant; that Cromwell
" fhould have a garter, &c.)» That in this letter
*' of the King^s it was faid, that fhe fhould leave
*' him to manage, who was better informed of
•* all circumflances than fhe could be ; but fhe
*^ mi^t be entirely eafy as to whatever concef-
*^ fions he fhould make them, for that he fhould
know in due time how to deal with the rogues,
who inflead of a filken garter fhould be fitted
with a henrpen cord. So the letter ended :
which anfwer, as they waited for, fo they in-
* " Mr. Pope, Lord Marchmont^ and myfelf/'
7 ^* tercepted
C(
C€
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364 CHilRLES THE FIRSTi
'* tercepted accordingly, and it deteimined hi^
« fete- This letter Lord Oxford faid he had
** offered 500L for/*
Charles, according to Sir Philip Warwick,
ttevei* appeared to fo much advantage a^ iii the
Conference in the Ifle of Wight. « He fliewed,"^
lays Sir Philip, ^* that he was converfant in dl-
*' vinity, law, and good reafon; infomuch as
^ one day, whilft I turned the King^s chau:
** when he Was about to rife, the Earl of Salif-
*^ bury came fuddenly upon me, and called me
^ by my name, and ftiid. The King is wonder-
•* fully improved ; to which I as fuddenly re-
^^ plied. No, my Lord, he was always fo, but
** your Lordfhip too late difcerned it.'*
When Charles was prdTed by the Parliament
Minifters to give way to a fmall Catechifm for
Children which they had compofed ; ** I will
^* not,*' faid he, ** take upon me to determine
** that all thofe texts which you quote are rightly
" applied, and have their true fenfe given them;
" and I affure you. Gentlemen, I would licenfe_
^^ a Catechifm, at a venture, fooner for nj^^B
" than I would for children, becaufe they oK;
** judge for themfelves, and I make a great coii-
*^ fcience to permit that children ihould be cof-^
*^ rupted in their firft principles.** •
Speaking
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CltAftLES the' FlRSr. 30J
■ Speaking one day of fome propofitions made tb
him by the two Houfes refpeflting the govern-
ment of England, he prophetically faid, " Weil,
*« they will alk fo much, and ufe it fo ill, that
?< the People of England will be glad to replace
** the power they have taken from the Crown
«* where it is due ; and I have oflfended againft
** them more in the things which I have granted
^ them, than in any thing which I ever defigned
*' againft them/*
. The Parliament aflFefted to be outrageous that
Charles employed Catholics in his army; the
following paffage from Salmoneto will fhe^ that
the Parliament were not more fcrupulous in this
refpeft :
*^ That which did y* moft furprife every body,
*' was, that they found amongft the dead, of
** thofe which were flain on the Parliament fide,
** feveral Popifli priefts. For, although in their
*' Declarations they called the King's army a
** Popifli army, thereby to render it odious to
** the People, yet they had in their army two
companies of Walloons and other Roman
Catholicks. Befides, they omitted no endea-
*' vours to engage to their party Sir A' Afton, K^
^^ an eminent Roman Catholic Commander.
** True it is, that the King had permitted to
** ferve him in his army fome Roman Catholick
" Officers,
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^04 eHAKLES TH£ Fl^Sf^
*^ Officers, perfons of great abilities, and liof
*^ featioufly inclined, as his Majefty exprefleth
*' in that manifefto which he publifced srfter th^
« battail/'
Wrm ^* A Short View of the Late Troubles Iti
<* England^* O&cfbrd^ 1 68 1 , fa^e 564, 5654
The following Letters of this accompliflied
Prince are copied from the Originals in the Bm
tiihMufeum.
" NeWCASTLEj
*^ This is to tell you, that this rebellion is
*^ growen to that heigth, that I muft not look
** what opuiion men ar at this tyme who ar will-
" ing and able to ferve me. ITierfor, I do not
*^ only permitt but comand to make ufe of all
•^ my loving fubjefts fervices, without examining
*' tiheir contienfes^ (more then their loyalty ta
** me), as you fhall fynde moft to conduce t3
*^ the uphoulding of my jufl Regal Power* So
« I reft
" Your moft affured faitfiiU frend,
" Charms /?*
** Shrewjbery^ 2^, Sep
" 1642/*
" Steenie,
*f I fend you hetewith letters to my tiAet
^ and brother (I place them fo becaus I think
«« the
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cUAkLES THE FIRST*. • 365
^ the gray meare is the better horfe). As for
*• news I can fay but little yet, Ireland being the
** onlie egg we have yet (itten upon, and having
*^ a thickaihell, wee have not yet hatched it^
" This is all I hav^ to fay to thee at this time^
*• but that I fhall ever fay* and thinke that I am,
** and ever will be,
** Your faithful, loving* donftant
*^ frende,
Super/cribedy •' Charles iJ/*
•♦ For Voursejlf/''
^ *« Oxford, S Aprfl 1646.
" Glamorgak,
** i have no time, nor doe you expeft that
^ I flibuld make unrieceflary repititions to you.
** Wherefor (referring you to Digby for bufinefs)
^^ this is only to give you affurance of my conftant
^ fitendihip to you, which, confidering the gene*-^
** rail defedUon of common honefty, is in a fort-
*^ requifite. Howbeit, I know you cannot but
*' be confident of my making good all in/iru£liom
jM^and promifes to you and Nuntio *-
** Your moil affured conftant fread,i * *
. « Charles /?/?>
>■*
* The Words printed in Italfc are in cypher in the Ori-
ginal, and have not been long de^yphered,
VOL. I. X In
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y>& CHARLES THE FIRfT.,
z In the MS. Memoirar oi Lady Fanlhaw«, that
escceUent womaB gives the following aSeding
account of fome inttdrvicws fhe had with this un«
fortunate Monarch whilft he was prilbner at
Hampton Court.
* . ■" * -*
*^ During the King's ftay at Hampton Court,
" I went three tun^ to pay my duty to him,
" both as i waa the daughter of his fervsmt, and
" the wife of his fervant. The laft tkne I ever
*5 iciwlxm, I could not refirain from weeping.
" When I took my leave of the King, he faluted
** me^ anid I prayed God to preferve his Majefty
" with long life and happy years. The JSng^
^ ftroked xne on the cheek, and faid. Child, if
*^ God pleafeth, it fliall be fo ; bu* both you and
^ t muft fubmit to God's will, and you kiiow
" what hands I am in. Then tumii^ to my*
*f hufband, he faid. Be iure,. Dick, to tell my*
*• Ion all that I have laid, and deHver thefc fct*
« ters to my wife* Pray God blefs her, and I
^* hope I fliall do well. Then taking my hufband
«^ in his arms, he faid, . Thou haft ever been an?
*< honeft man ; I hope God will blefs thee, and
" make thee a happy forvant to my fon, whf^aL
*^ I have charged in my letter to continue hi5
'' love and truft to you : adding. And I do pro-
*' mife you, if I am ever reftored to my digm'ty,
ff 1 will bountifully reward you both for^your
*« fervices and fufferings. - Thus did we- par^^
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f^ from that glorious fun, that within a feW
^^ months afterwards was extinguiflied, to the
*^ grief of all Chriftians who are not^rfaken of
«* their God/'
The following Letter, written by Sir Thomas
Hubert whilll he attended this Prmce in his con*
finement, will Ihew the extreme tranquillity of
mind which he poflefled during his melancholy
and anxious &uadon :
A COPY OF A LETTElt FROM S' THO: HERBER'B
To D'* SAM WAYS, AND BY HIM SENT Ta TKt
JV.BP OF CANT. !/• SANCIIOFT.
** After his late MItye's remove from Wnd-
•* for to S«' James's, albeit according to y* duty
^* of my place I lay in the next room to the bed-
^ chamber, the & then commanded me to bring
:*• my pallate into his chamber, w'*" I accordingly
^ did, the night before y* forrowfaU day. He
•• ordered w^ cloaths he w** wear, intending y-
^ day to be as neat as could be, it being (as he
•* catt'd it) Ins wedding-day. And having a great
** work to do (meaning his preparation to eter-
•* nity) f* he w* be ftirring much earlier than he
f*^ ttfed.
•* ^rfome hoars his Matyeflept very foundly.
^ For my part, I wis fo foil of amguiih & grief,
X2 " y*
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30& CHARLES THE PIRST;
^^ f I took little reft. The K« fome hoars bei
*' fore day drew his bed-curtains to awaken me,'
*' & could by y* light of a wax-lamp perceive md
*• troubled in my fleep j the K^ arofe forthwithi
*^ and as I was making him ready, Herbert (f**
^' the'K^) I w* know why you" were difquieted in
i' yo' fleep. I replied, May it pleafe yo' Majefty,
V I was in a dream. What was yo' dream ? P y*
^' K« ; I w** hear it. May it pleafe yo' Matye, P
" I, I dreamed y* as you were making ready^
'' one knocked at y*" bed-chamber door, w^*" yo'
** Matye took "no notic6 of, nor was I willing t6
'^'acquaint you w*** it, apprehending it might be
" Colonel Hacket, But knocking y* fecond
" time, yo' Matye afk'd me, if I heard it not. I
** ^f**, I did, but did not ufe to go without his
** order. Why then go, know who it is, and
** his bufmefs. Whereupon I opened the door,
>< & perceived y* it was y* L** A. Bp of Cant.
^< D'* Laud, in his Pontifical habit, as worn at
** Court ; I knew him, having feen him often*
" The A. Bp " defired he might enter, having
" fome thing to fay to y* K** I acquainted y<f
" Matye w**" his defire, fo you bad me lett him
;^^ in; being in, he made his obeyfance to ya^
*' Matye in the middle of y* room, doing y* like
** alfo w" he came near yo'' perfon, and ftdling
" on his knees yo' Matye gave him yo' hand td
*' kifs, and took him afide to the window, where
** fome difcourfe pafs'd' between yo' Matye &
** him»
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. CHARLES THE FIRST, 309
• ** him, & I kq)t a becoming diftance, not hear-
•* ing any thing y' was f, yet c** percdve yo'
^^ M^tye penfive by yo looks, & that y*" A.Bp
** gaye a figh ; who, after a fliort ftay, againe
*' kifling yo' hand, returned, but w*** face all y*
•• way towards yo' Matye, & making his ufual
. •* reverences, he being fo fubmifs, as he fell
^* proftrate on his face on the ground, & I im-
♦* mediately ftep to him to help him up, w^*^I
•* was then a£Ung, w** your Matye faw me trou-
*^ bled in my fleep. The impreffion was fo lively,
*« y^ I look'd about, verily thinking i^ was no
** dream,
" The K^ f% my dream was remarkable, but
, ** he; is dead; yet had we conferred together
*^ during life, 'tis very likely (albeit I loved him
** well) I fliould have P fomething to him, might
>' have occafioned his figh.
" Soon after I had told my dream, D'* Juxon,
** then Bp of London, came to the K*, as I re-
** latp in y' narrative I fcnt S' W" Dugdale, w**"
. " I have a tranfcript of herp, nor know whether
: " it refts with his Grace y* A. Bp of Cant, or
« S' W. Dugdale, or be difpofed m S' Jo** Cot.
" ton's Library near Weftminfter-hall J butwifli
<« you had y* perufal of it before you return into
^^ y* North. And this'being not communicated
X 3 : ** to
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i€
310 CHARLES THE FIRST.
to any but your'felf, ydu may Ihcw it to Ks
Grace & none elfe, is you promifed, S',
** Yo' very aflfeft. h/^ & ferV
" Tho: HERBERt,
Tori, a8 Jug^ 1680/'
u
Many refemblances occur in feveral of the cir-
cumftances attending the execution of this Prince
and that of the late unfortunate Louis XVI. The
• following extrad is made from a very curious
Kttle book, called " England*s Shame, or the
^ Unmafking of a Politic Atheift ; being a foil
** and faithful Relation of the Life and Death of
^ that Grand Impoftor Hugh Peters. By Wil-
•* liam Young, M. D. London, 1663. i?i"^»
<* Dedicated to Her Moft Excellent Majefty
** Henrietta Maria, the Mother Queen of Eng-
•^ land, Scotland, France, and Ireland/*
** The foldiers were fecretly admonifhed by
^ letters from Hu^h Peters to exercife the ad-
*^ mired patience of King Charles, by upbraid*
** ing him to his face j and fo it was 3 for hav-
<* ing gotten him oft board their boat to tranf-
** port him to Weftminfter-hall, they would not
^ afford him a cuihion to fit upon, nay, fcarcely
'^ the company of his fpaniel, but fo^ed at him
♦• moft vilely ; as if to blafpheme the King were
^ not to blafpheme God, who had eftabliihed
- ^ him to be his Vicegetent, ouf fupreme Mo-
♦♦ derator.
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CHAItlBt THE FIHST. 3II
^ Aerator, and a £dthful CuAoi Duarum Tabu/a*
*« rum L^gnmy Keeper of both Tables of the
«« Law.
•• The King bdogfirfdy armed at Whitehatt,
<* (that they might the eafier- reach the crown,)
•^ they do widi pious pretencei, feoonded with
**» fears of deolifting, hoodmnk their General
^< Fairfax to condefcend to this bloody facrificd
** Whereas Oliv^ CromWell and Ireton would
^^ appear only to be his admirers, and fpeChttori
** of the regicide, by ftanding in a window at
** Whitehall, within vie^ of the fcaffold and the
** peo|^ ; whilft Peters, fearing a tumult, dif-
^ fembieshimfeiffick at St. James's; conceiting
^ that he might thereby plead not guilty, though
** no ,man was more forward than he to encou«>
^^ rage Colonel Axtel in this action, and to ani- ,
** mate his regiment to cry for juftice againft the
" trjutor, for fo they called the King/'
<« The refolve paffed," adds Dr. Young, " that
<^ the King muft be conveyed from Windfor
^* Caftle to Hampton Court, Harrifon rides with
^^ him, and upbraids him to his £ice* Peters
** riding before him put of the Caftle, cries,
*' We'll whilk him, we'll whifk him, now we*
" have him. A pattern of loyalty, one formerly
^* a Captain for the King's intereft, feizin^
X 4 " P^ers^s
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312 CHARLES THE FIRST.
** Pcfers^s bridlei fays. Good Mt. Peters, what
*^ will you do with the King ? I hope that yon
** will do his perfon no harm. That Peter*
** might be Peters, he replies. He fliall die the
^< d^ath of a traitor, were tber^p never a man in
** England b^t |ie. The Captain forced to }pofe
^^ bis hold of the reins by a blow giva:^ him
♦* over his hand with Peters's ftaff, this trum*
<' petef of forrow rides on fiaging Jiis fed note,
^* We*H whift.bim, we'll whiik him, I \^vrant
^< you, now we have him !'\ :, ^
Oliver Ooniwell k feid to have put his hand
to the ned^ pf Charles as h^ was placed in his
coffin, and to have ipade obfervations on the.exf
trcrnp appearance of health aiwi a long life that
his body e^^hibited upon diflcftion, Oliver was
^t lirft an;xious to have ftajned the King's me-
jnory, by pretending, that he had a fcandafou^
difeafe upon him at the time of his death, had he
not been prevented by the bold and fteady affer*
jion to the contrary made by a phyfician, who
chanced to be prefent at the opening of the
l)ody»
Sir Thomas Herbert, who was Groom of the
Bedchamber to Charles, and who waited on him
for two years previous to his decapitation, has
written a very curious and interefting account of
that period.
He
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OHAIULES THE FIMT^ 313
K^ attended his mafter to the fcaffold, but had
not the heart to mount it with ,him. At the
ftaircafe he refigned him into the hands of good
Bifliop Juxon. He tells this'curiou? anecdote
refpeding the Lord General Fairfax'^ Ignorance
of the King's death:-- When the execution was
over. Sir Thomas, in walking through the^Lpi^
Gallery at Whitehall, met Lord Fairfex, who
faid to him, " Sir Thomas, how does the King?**
** which,*' adds he, " I thought very ftrahge, (it
*^ feemed thereby that the Lord General knew not
^^ what had pafled,) being all that morning (and
•* indeed at other times) ufing his power and j^-
** tereft to have the execution deferred for fome
** days." Cromwell, however, knew better;
for on feeing Sir Thomas he told him, that' he
(hould have orders fpeedily for t^ie King's buriaL
When Charles was told, that he was foon to. be
removed from Wlndfor to Whitehall, he only
faid, " God is everywhere alike in • wifdom,
^^ power, and goodnefs."
Charles thp Firft was a man of a very elegant
mind. He had a good tafte in art, and drew to-
lerably, well. A Gentleman at Bruffels has
•feveral original ld:ters of Rubens in MS. In
one of them he expreffes his fatisfadion at being
foon to vifit England j " for (adds he) I am told
♦• that the Prince of that country is the beft
" judge
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^14 CHARi^BS tUE *iR8¥i
^ judge of art of any of the Princes cf hh
* time.''
' Tiiecharadero^tMs Monarch is tbusadmirably
defineated by the pen of Bilhop'Warburton in
bis excell^it Sermon before the Houfe of Lords
ttfi the Thirtieth of January:
*^ The King had many virtues^ but all of fo
♦^ unfociable a turn as to do him neither fervice
•^ nor credit.
** His religion, in which he was lincerely zca-
" Ious,'Was over-run ' with fcruples ; and the
*' fimplidty if not the purity of his morals werq
♦* deh^fed.by.cafuiftry.
'*^ His natural affedlions (a rare virtue in tha^
*^ high fitijation^ were fo exceffive as to render
*^ him a flave to all his kin, and his focial fo mo-
derate as only to enable him to lament, not to
preferve, his friends and fervants.
cc
<€
His knowledge was extenfive though tiot
** exaft, and his courage clear though not keen ;
** yet his modefty far furpaffing his magna-
** niinity, his knowledge only made him obnox-
•' ious to the doubts of his more ignorant Mi-
** nifters, and his courage to the irrefolutions of
" his lefs adventurous Generals.
"In
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CHARLES THE tlKir. 31^
' ^* In a word, his princely qualities were neither
•* great enough nor bad enough to fucceed m
^ that mod difficult of all attempts, tlie eqfls^v*
** ing a free and jealous people.^ *
The ful{ conviction of this tnnth made h9iij
(who was not fo ddpicable a Polkidan us we
cdmmonly fu^K>fe him,)tippii feeing his coad-
jutor Strafford led out to ibught^, lament his
fate in thefe emphatic and indignant vr(^dtz
** He ferved a Prince who knew not how to be,
•* nor to be made, great/*
According to the Compiler of the Apopt^
thegms of Charles the Firft, that accomplilhed
Prince ufed to fay, " Fortune has no power over
•* Wifdom, only over Seiifuaiity, and over the
*• lives of all thofe who fwim and navigate with*
^^ out the loadftone of Difcretion and Judge*
<* ment/'
<^ Carry a^'atchful eye upondangers,** fiud
this acute Sovereign, " dll they come to ripo-
** nefs, and when they are ripe let loofeafpcwiy
" hand. He that expeds them too long meets
^ them too late ; and he that meets them too
** foon, gives advantage to the evil. Commit
^ the beginning of them to the eyes of Argus,'
^* and the end of them to thehjmdsof Briareus^
** and then thou an fafe.*'
Charles
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3l6 CHARLES THE FIRST.
Charles ufed to fay of iht Preibyterian
Preachers, >^ that there were always two good
.** fentences in their fermons, the text and the
** conclufion/'
He profeffed that he could not fix his love
upon one that was never angry ; ** for," fays he,
•<^ as a man that is without forrow is without
*<• gladnefs, fo he that is without anger is with-
•«« out love/'
Hk had often this fentence in his mouth ;
•* The Devil of Rebellion doth commonly turn
'^ himfelf into an Angel of Reformation,**
HENKTETTA MARIA,
<^TEEN'OF CHARLES THE FIRST. *
Howell, in one of his Letters, dated ** Lon*
^ don, i6th May -1626," thus defcrtbes this
beautiful and accompliflied JPrincefs :
*« We have now a 010ft noble new Queen of
/* England, who, in /true beauty, is much be-
** yond the long-wooM Infanta. This daughter
** of France— this youngeft branch of Bourbon,
•^ is of a more lovely and lafting complexion, a
"dark
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HINRIETTA MARIA. 317
^^ dark brown ; fhe hath eyes that fparkle like
" ftars J and for her phyfiognomy, fhe may be
" faid to be a mirror of perfedtion. She had a
'^ rough paflage in her transfretation to Dover
" Caftle ; and in Canterbury the King bedded
" firft with her. There were a goodly train of
f' choice Ladies attended her coming upon the
** Bowling-green at Barham Downs, upon the
" way, who divided themfelves into two rows,
*' and they appeared like fo many conftellations ;'
t^ but methought the country ladies outftuned
^' the courtiers.
• *' The Queen brought over with her two hun-
<* drcid thoufand crowns in gold and filver, as
** half her portioiT, and the other moiety is to be
" paid at the year's end. Her firft fuite of fer-
'* vants (by article) are to be French ; and as
*^ they die, Englifh are to fucceed. She is al-
« lowed twenty-eight Ecclefiaftics, of any Order
" except Jefuits ; a Bifhop for her Alponer ;
" and to have private exercife of her religion
" for herfelf and for her fervants."
The ill behaviour of the French that the Queen
brought over with her, occafioned Charley the
Firft to write the following letters to the Duke
of Buckingham, which are copied from the Ori-
ginals in the Britifh Mufeum :
SrsfiNJKt
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3X8 . HJEKRIETTA MAMA*
^ STEfiNIE,
** I writ to you by Ned Clarke, that I thought
^ I would here caufe anufe in fhorte tyme to
^ put away the Modfers *, either by attempting
^ to fteale away my wyfe, or by making plots
*^ amongft my owen fubjeds. I cannot fay cer-
^ tamEe whether it was intended, but I am fure
** it is hindered. For the other, though I have
^ good grounds to belife it, and am ftill hunting
^ after it, yet feeing dailie the malitiouihefs of
•* the Monfers, by making and fomenting difcon-
** tents in my wyfe, I could tarie no longer from
^^ adverticing of you, that I meane to feeke for
*^ no other grounds to cafier t my Monfers,
*^ having for this purpofe fent you this other
^ letter, that you may if yoii think good adver^
^^ tile the Queen Mother % with my intention.
'' So I reft
** Your fiaithfull, conftant, loving frende,
*^ Charles R."
^ Steenie,
•* I have received your letter by Die Gremes
^ this is my anfwer — ^I command you to fend
^ all the French away § to-morrow out of the
^ towncy
^ * Mcanfiig Us wsfe's Frcndi ibrvantt snd depctidinta.
i Caflikr.
*J"Mary of Media's, widow of Henry the Fourttu
j Howell, in a Letter dated March 1 5, 1 626, fays— "The
^ Frcndi that came over with her Majefty, for their petu*
^ likiciss and fooie mifdemeanorsi and impofing fome odd
** penandesf
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H2KRIBTTA MARIA. 3^
^ towne,! if you can by hya: meam^ (bUt ffikc
<f not kmg in difputing,) otherways force them
^^ away lyke fo manie wyld beafles^ untill ye hzw
** ihipped them, and fo the Devil goe with them*
" Lett me heare no anfwer, but of the perform*
•• ance of my command.
** So I reft
** Your fidthfuH, conftant, lovmg frende, '
« Oaking^ the " ChaRLES R^
" 7 of Augufl, 1627."
{Snperfcribed) " the Duke of Buckingham.**
The following letter of this intrejHd Princefa^
written loon after the unfortimate attempt upon
^ pcnancies i^po0 the Qu€en» arc afi ca(hiei>ed tbi» weekl
** It was » thtng fuddenly <^ne ; for spoilt one of tke
" Qlodc> as they were at dinner, my Lord Conway and Sir
^ Thomas Edmondes came with an order from the Kin^
^ that they muft inftantly away to Somerfet-Houfe, for
**' there were barges and coaches ftaylng for them^and there
** they (hould have all their wages paid them to a penny^
••* and fo they muft hje content to quit the kingdom. TW^
i^ fudden undreamed-of order ftruck an aftonifhment into>
•* them all, both men and women ; and running to* com*
** plain to the Queen, his Majefty had taken her be&iv int6
'** his bed-chamber, and locked the door ^on them, till W
« had told her how matters ftood. The. Queen fell mto f
^ violent paifion, broke the gkfs windows, and t6re her
<« hair, but fhe was cooled afterward. Juft /uch a dtftiny
* ^ happened in France fomc years fince, to the QuccnS Spai»
«* nidifervants there, who were aU difnuiTed m £ke inamier
1* for fiome mifcarriages. The like was doae in Spoift t#
« the French, therefore 'tis ao new thin^,**
5 . KuU»
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$20, HEKttlBTTA MARIA.
Hull, In April 1642, 19 tranllated from the
French Original in the Britifh Mufeum. It is
vithout a date* '
** As I was clofing my letter Sir L. Dives ar-
*^ rived, who has told me all that pafled at HulL
*• Do not lofe courage, and purfue the bufinefs
*^ with refolution ; for you muft now {hew that
*^ you will make good what you have under-
*^ taken. If the man who is in the place will
** not fubmit, you have already declared him a
^ traitor : you muft have him, alive or dead ;
^* for matters now begin to be very ferious.
*^ You muft declare yourfelf ; you have fhewn
** gentlenefs enough, you muft now Ihew your
^ firmnels* You fee what has happened from
•* not having followed your firft refolution,
^ when you declared the five Members traitors f
** let that ferve you for an example : dally no
** longer with confultations, but proceed to ac-
** tion. I heartily wifhed myfelf in the place of
** my fon James in Hull ; I would have thrown
** the fcoundrel Hotham over the walls, or he
^ fhauld have thrown me. I am in fuch hafte
«* to difpatch this bearer, that I can write to no-
f* body elfe. Go boldly to work^ as I fee there
^* is no hope of accommodation/* &c.
' ). *
This beautiful Princefs faid of Kings, that
" they Ihould be as filent and as difcreet as Fa-
" ther Confeffors.*'
A perfon
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cHENRIETTA MARIA. '32 1
JL perfon appearing anxious to tell her the
iXiames of fome who had indifpofed many of
^he Engliih Nobility agaii^ her, fee repliecl,
*^. I forbid you to do fo. Though they hate me
^* now, they will not perhaps al^ys hate me ;
*^ and if they have any fentiments of honour,
** they will be aihamed of tormenting a poor
*^ woman, who takes fo little precaution to de*
« fend herfelf/*
Aftive and indefatigable on the breaking ou^
t>£ the troubles, fhe went to Holland to fell her
-jewels, and returned to England with federal vef-
iels loaded widi provifions for herhu{band'sarmy.
The veffel that carried her was once in great
danger ; but (he fat upon the deck with perfect
tranquillity, and faid laughingly, " Leif Reims ne
^* fe noyaut fas^^Qnetas are never drowned.**
This Princefs, according to Sir William Wal"
Icr, in his " RccoHeftioHS," endeared herfelf to
the inhabitants of Exeter by the following a6t of
benevolence, " As fhe was walking out north-
^' ward of the city of Exeter, foon, after her
** lying-in, flie flopped at the cottage of a poor
^^ woman, whom (he heard making doleful
^' cries : fhe fent one of her train to enquire
** what it might be which occafion^d them. The
^^ page returned, and faid the woman was for-
rowing grievoufly, becaufe her daughter had
V0J-. u Y ** beeft
cc
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3^2 HENRIETTA MARJA#
" been two days in the ftrawe, and was aUttoft
«< dead for want of npurilhment, fhe having nou
^ thing to give her but water, and not being
*' able, for the hardiiefs of the times, to get any
** thing. On this the Queen took a fmall chain
*^ of gold from her neck, at which hung an
*' jignus. She took off the Agnus^ and put it in
." her bofom j and making the woman be called
*' to her, gave her the chain, and bade her go
*' into the city to a goldfmith and fell if, and
/* with the money to provide for the good wo-
*' man in the ftrawe: aivi for this/* adds Sir
William, -*' her Confeflbr did afterwards rebuke
** her, becaufe they were heretics. When this
** thing was told to^tl^e King, he aiked, jeftingly,
" if her Confeflbr had made the Queen do a
*^ penance for it, as flie had done once before
" for fome innocent act, when fee was made to
" walk to Tyburn j fome fay bare-foot.**
' in 1664, Henrietta went to Paris, where flie
'found the Queen of France not very able, and
perhaps lefs willing to affift her : fo that Ihe fays
of herfelf,^ flie was obliged to alk alms of the
, Parliament -of Paris for her fubfiftence: De de^
*' mander une aumone aw Parliament pour fouvoir
Indeed this Queen, the daughter of Henry the
Fourth, the beloved Monarch pf France, was in
fuch
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HENRIETTA MARI^. 323
ftich diftrefs at Paris, that flie and her infant
daughter were obliged to lay in bed in their room
at the pdace of the Louvre in that city, as they
could not get wood to make their fire with. The
celebrated Omer Talon in his Memoirs tells us,
** Le Mecredij 13 Janvier 16.13* ^^ Relne
^* (T Angleterre logee dans le Louvre^ Sff redulie a
** la dernier e extremite^ demande fecours au Park"
** ment de Paris ^ qui liii or donna 2000 livres
** pour fa fubfiftence.^^ • . ^
The learned and excellent Pafcal,. in the firfl;
edition of his celebrated work " Les Penfeesfur la
" Religion,^* printed about the year 1650, fays^
^' , ^ui auroit eu Pgmiitie du Rot d'Angleterre
«. {Cbarleis /.), du Moi de Pologne (Caftnur V.\
^^ l5f de la Reine de Suede (Chryiina\' auroit il
^« cru pouvoir manquer de retraite. d^azyle au
^' ntonde ?-^-Gould any perfon that poffeffed the
** friendlhip of a King of England, a King ctf
^* Poland, or a Queen of Sweden, have thought
*^ it poffiWe that he could have beeft in want of
*' a plat« to put his h^ad in?*'
Madame t^e Bayiere, in her Letters, fays,
*^ Charles the Firft's widow made a clandeftine
<* marriage with. her Chevalier d'Hormeur^ Lord
^ ^t. Aiban's, who treated her extremely ill ; fo
" ^ that whilft fhe had not a faggot to Wrm her*
' *' ,felf with, he,Kad in his ;apai*tment a good fire,
; . . ' . Y 2 " and
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3^4 JOHK iSELD£K#
•* and a fumptuous table. He never gave the
** Queen a kind word, and when Ihe fpoke to
** him, he ufed to fay, ^e me^ veut cette femme?
*' What does the woman fay ?"
JOHN SELDEN.
" The King of Spain (fays Mt. Selden in his
« * Table-Talk*) was outlawed in Weftminfter-
'* hall, I being of Counfel againft him : A mer-
*^ chant had recovered cods againft him in a
**fuit, which becaufe he could not get, we ad-
*^ vifed him to have his Majefty outfawed for
*^ not appearing, and fo he was. As foon as
*^ Gondemar the Spanifli Ambaf&dor heard
*^ that, he prefently fent the money j by reafon
** if his mafter had been outlawed, he could not
*^ have the benefit of the law; which would
•* have been very prejudicial, there being then
*^ many fuits depending between the King of
" Spain and our Englilh Merchants *.**
Mr.
* When the Ambaflador of Peter the Great was arrcftctf
for debt in London, in the hitter end of Queen Anne*8 time>
the Monarch exprefied his aflonifhment and ind^ation> that
the perfons who had thus viohted tkt refped due to the Re«
prefentative of a Crowned Head, were not immediately put
to death. His aftonifKment was confiderably increafed^
when he was told, that in £ngland| whateTcr punifhme^t
(however
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JOHN SBLDEN. 325
Mr. Selden, on the diflbludon of the Parlia*
ment in 1629^ was brought to the bar of the
Court of King^s Bench for what he had faid m
Parliam»t ; and refufing to fubmit to the jurif*
di&ion of the Court, he was committed to pri-
fon, from whence he was foon releafed ; and in
1631, he was, again committed to cuftody with
the Earls of Bedford and Clare, Sir Robert Cot*
ton, and Mn St. John, on account of having
difperled a libel, intitled, *' A Propofition for
** his Majefty's Service, to bridle the Imperti-
** nency of Parliaments *.** It was afterwards
proved, that Sir Robert Dudley, then refiding in
the dominions of the Duke of Tufcany, was the
writer*
Lord Clarendon fays of Mr. Selden, that he
was a perfon whom no charafter can flatter, or
tranfmit in any expreffions equal to his merit and
bis virtue. " If," adds he, ** he had fome in-
** firmitics with other men, they were weighed
** down with wonderful and prodigious abilities
♦* and excellencies in the other fcale."
(however fliort of death) the Law (hould tt ink fit to mflia
vpon the offenders, a procefs of fome length muft of neccf-
fity be gone through, before they could be brought to juf*
tice ; and that the Sovereign of the Country himfelf had no
|K>wer of difpeofing with thofe laws to which he was himfdf
/ubje£ted«
^ See Appendix, No»IL
'i( 3
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[325]
^ . WILLIAM NOT.
"* Nov/* fays Howell in hfe Italian Profpec-*
ti^e,' ** a great cried-up Lawyer, put it^itito the-
" head of King Charles to impofe an old tax'
" called Ship-money upon the fubjeO: f which^
" the faid Lawyer did warrant upon his life to'
" be legal, for he could produce divers records
*^ how many of his progenitors had done the
'' fame/'
• *^ With infinite pains and indefatigable ftudy,*^'
fays Howell in his Letter^,- '^^ he came to his
*'. knowledge of the Law ; but I never heard a
*' more pertinent anagram than was made of Jhis
** name, William Noy, I moyl in [azvJ^^
** Noy,'* adds Howell, ^' left an -odd' will,
*' which is fhort, and in Latin : . Having be-
** queathed a few legacies, and left his fecond
" fon one hundred marks a-year, and five hun-
** dred pounds in money to bring him up td his
" father^s profeflion,** he concludes, " Reliqua
*' meorum omnia primogenito meo Edvdfdo^ diffi*
*' pando (nee melitcs unqmmfperavi egoj—l leave
" the reft of all my goods, to my firft born Ed-
^' ward, to be conftim^d or fcattered; for I
« jiever hoped better/'
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C 327 ]
, ]PHILIP EAJ^L OF PEMBROKE;; •
: ]aues Howell addreffed a Pamphlet to .this
extraordinary Nobleman under the title of " A
** Sober and Seafonable Memorandum fent to
*' Philip Earl of Pembroke, &c. to mind him of
" his particular Secret Ties, (befides the Com-
** mon Oath, Allegiance, ■ and Supremacy,)
*' whereby he was bound fo adhere to the King,
^^ his Liege Lord and Mafter, prefented unto
" him in the Hotteft Bruit of the Civil Wars,'*
in which he thus addrefles him : ^^ My Lord, I
" beg leave to tell your lordfhip, (and the Spec-
** tator commonly fees more than the Game-
** fter,) that the World extremely marvels at
" yoU more than others ; and it makes thofd
"'who wifh you beft to be transformed, to
** wonder that your Lordfhip fhould be the firft
** of your race who defert'ed the Crown, which
" one of your predeceffbrs faid he would ftill
" follow, though it were thrown upon a hedge.
"^^ Had your princely brother (William Earl of
*' Pembroke) been living, he would have been
" fooner torn by wild horfes than have banded
" againft it, or abandoned the King his Mafter,
"** and fallen into fucH ^tofs idolatry, as to wor-
" flup the beaft with many heads/*-
. Y 4 The
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^aS PHILIP EAfLL OF PSMBROKiS^
The two following Letters relative to the
maimer in which this Nobleman difpofed of his
proxy in the Houfe of Peers, at the beginning of
the difputes between Charles and his Parliament^
were very kindly communicated to the Compiler
by the Mar<^is of Buckingham^
** MADAM,
** I have receaycd two very greats bleflirtgs
** thefe two laft dayes, the one yefterday at Be-
** verlcy, the other this day at Nottingham, by
** Mr. Denham, and cannot expreffe the grcate
** fenfe I have of your Ladyfhip's favour and
*.* good opinion in both. I am extreme glad to
** heare you are upon a journey to London. If
*^ your advice and intereft doe not prevayle with
*' your father, I have no hope left ; *tis not pot
** fible for me to fay more in the argument to
^ him than I have. Nor can I imagine what ill
** fpirit can engage him thus to venture his for-
** tune, his fcune, his honour, and the honour of
*' his houfe, in a veffel where none but defpe-
** rate perfons have the government. His car«^
" riage of late hath beene fo well reprefented to
** the King, and well receaved, for God*« fafce
V let him not fall into a relapfe ; but if the pro-
*' poiitions now fent be not acc^ted, perfuade
*' him away hither. Upon my life he will re-
*' pente it elfe, and it will be too late ; and fure
*^ no honeft man can thinke any unreafonable
*« thing
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"PHILIP EAUL OP PEMBROKB^. ^^9
*< thmg is aifced. Your brother muft give me
•^ leave to wonder a little at him : 'tis long fince
** I writ my humble advice to him, and cannot
^' pofHbly underftand the ground of his (lay, atid
" I have often affured his Majefty of his ref(^«
♦* tion. I know not what argument they have
** at London for the confidence, but truly they
♦* feeme to have very few friends in thefe partes^
^^ and I do not think their condition is much
•* better in other places. I cannot take any op-
*^ portunity of mentioning your Ladyfliip to his
^* Majefty, but he prevents me in all che ex-
w preflyones of efteeme of you that are poflible*
•« I affure ybu, he hath a very juft value of your
** care of him. I am not yet out of hopcf of
^ Idffing your Lady fhip's bands before the Sum*
<* mer ends, which will bean unexpreffible hap-
^* ^nefi to i ' *
« Your Ladyfliip's moft humble fcrvant,
- "Ejd W.Hyde*.
** Nottinghamythi8.'22ci July.
^ My Lord of Falkland is your Ladyftnp's
<* moft hmnible fervant.'*
(Direftion)
** For f^y Lady Carnarvon.*'
** MY DEARE HART,
** God himfelf knoweth how much I have
^^ loved and honoured your father more than
* Afterwards Earl of Clarendon.
** any
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3|^ PHILIP EARL OF PEMBROKE*
^'•su?)^ body elfe, and ;with how much zeale I
*'.,have e^deavou^ed to ferve him towards the
"j Sing. of late, fmce that diftanfe that happened
*'bfegtjv^^ji them ; and theleQve and am^cohfid^nt,
".-t|iat.if evfer there had been a reToIution or*
*V chS^age in things, it would have beeh both in
*^ ftty power and will to have feryed him Y&ry
*• cianfiderably towards the King» if 1 may be-
*f . lee\e the King's profeffions to me* But I muft
^t .i^eeds tell you, hee has done that that may
*^ p^rchanfe hinder much my credit wkh the
^\ Sliag, and teff^ my power both to ferve hira»
V .and-,myfelf. I beleeve it to be the, greateft
^' mi^for^une that ever beefeU me, that. have -hH
•* thertp,:! ^anke Qod, kept asfaire t^ repyta-
*' tion a{8 any* man, ifii perfeveritig in my o\<m»
*^/v?ay. :Conftantly ^ r^fp^uj^ely witilmtf: either
*' feare or defigne or change. I aipa^ pow ft^
^\ pefted and branded wklr $he fufjfttcipn of un-
*' de^ hand dealings by tHofe who are and weere
*' my chiefeft fiends.; ' arid what troubles mee
:^ moft, the King htmfetf takes it very unkindly
^' firom mee, till I cleared myfelf to him from
*' whom I came yeflerday, I meane In my guiving
'' my proxy to yqur father, whom the. King
*' does believe to be violent againft him in every
" thing* My Lord himfelf knowes, how'imwill-
" ing I was to leave my proxy, for I defired
*^ leave of the Houfe that inftant my Lord
" Southampton afked leave, and had it : though
^^ I had
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PHIHF EARL OF PEMBROKE. 331
*4 I had leave firft from the King, merely becaufe •
<< I would leave no proxy, forefeeing the incon*.
<• veniences 'twould bring me into. You know
*^ afterwardsj how I declarde it, hoping your
*^ father would have forgotten it. I fliould not-
*' have left it then, neyther, but that I have oft
*' heard your father fay, he would ever guivethe
** vote he was entrufted withall iaccording to. his
** fence that gave it him, not according* to his
*' owne : which if he had done, he had done
** himfelf a grate deal of honour and ,right
** amongfl: men of honour that I heare fpeake of
" it; he had obliged the King, and not difobliged
** his owne party neyther : befides the infinite
^ obligeing mee : but as it is, he has difobliged
^^ mee fo much,' that never anie thing went for
^ neere me.- I vow to God, I am afhamed to'
** fhow my hdad amongft thofe I efteeme mdflv
^ for 1 am partly counted a turnecoate amongft*
^ them, and have partly loft that reputation I
^^ had, which I valued infinitely above my life,''
" and doe yet fo much, that Jo redeme myfelf
" againe, I muft needs defier one favour froot
^' you, which I (hall efteeme above any, that you
** would be pleafed to fpealce to your father,
*' relating to him the inconveniencies I haye fuf-*
** fered, which to my fence are the greateft that
" ever could have happened to mee, by be-
«* queathing him my vote, fmce he has in foe
, , *' many
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33^ PHILIP EARL OF PEMBRCKt.
^ many greatc confidaable matters guirca it
^ both againft my fence, and, as the King con»
^ ceiveth, againft him ; cfpedally that he will be
" pleafed henceforward other to give it accord-^
** ing to my fence, by which I know he fhall
^ gane good opnrion from the King, and not
•* at all prejudiffe himfelf with his owne party,
" and c^lidge me very much : otherwife, I ihall
** beg this favour of him, that he will be pleafed-
^ to guive me my vote againe, or elfe to make
^ noe ufe of it at all ; and that I (hall ever re*
•^ mane his true fervant and loving fonne to the
^ deaths I (hall be very forrie after I have beene
•* all my life time with the haffard of life,
^ fortune, induftry, and after laboured to guive
^ one mefs of good milke, and fliall at laft kicke
^ it downe with my foote* I had never guiven
^ your father my yote, but that I conceived he
^ mought have mad that ufe of it that would
^ have very moutch have advantaged him one
^ way, and not prejudifed him in any other. My
«« deare hart, pray love mee but as much as I
^ fh^H ever love you, which fttall alwaies be
** above my life, and bee the greateft happinefs^
** can redound to him that loves you above hk
« life-
** Carnarvon *^'^
♦ Indorfed by Mr, Grcnvillc, •* Found in a trunckc at
** Lady Carnarvon's^ when her boufe was fearched.''^
Thii
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C 333 1
LORD STRAFFORD.
Lord Strafford h thus defcribcd by, Sir
Philip Warwick in his Memoirs :
** Lord Strafford was every waie qualified
** for bufmefs ; his natural faculties being very
" ftrong aud pregnant. His underftanding, aided
'' by a good phanfy, made him quick in difcem-
** ing the nature of any bufmefs ; and througk
*' a cold brain he became deliberate and of found
This ktter appears, from Mr, Grenvflle's indorfement, to
have been feized in a box belonging to Lady Carnarvon^
when her houfe at Wing near Aylefbury was fearched by
him November 29, 1642, under the order of the Comnaittee
of Safety. Robert Lord Dormer of Wenge or Wing, the
writer of this letter, was the head of that noble family,
whofe poffeffions in Bucks, beljnging to the different branches
cftablifhed at Wing, at Peterley, at Lee Grange, and at
Dorton, were very large : all thcfe poffeffions, fave what be-
longed to the branch eftabliihed at Peterley (the prefcnt
Lord Dormer), have paffed into other families, or have been
alienated. The Manfion-Houfe at Wing was pulled down
about fifty years ago by Sir WiDiam Stanhope, and the
Eftate now belongs to the Earl of Cheftecfield.
Robert Lord Dormer was created Earl of Camarvoa
2d Auguft, 4 Car. i. He married Anne Sophia, daughter
of Philip Earl of Pembroke, by whom he had Charles hi»
fpn ^nd heir, who was killed at the battle of Newbury.
Sept. 20, 1643.
** judgment*
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234 L0R1> STRAFFORD^
*' judgment. His memory was great, and he
*' made it greater by confiding in it. His elo-
*^ cution was very fluent, and it was a great part
*^ of his talent readily to reply, or freely to Tia-
*' rangue, upon any fubjeft. All this was lodged
*' in a foure and haughty temper, fo (as it may
^' probably be believed) he expcded to have
*^ more obfervance paid to himfelf than he was
*' willing to pay to others, though they were of
-*' his own quality ; and then he was not like to
•' conciliate the good- will of men of le&r ftation.
*^ His acquired parts, both in Univerfity and
*^ Inns of Court learning, as likewife his foreign
*' travels, made him an eminent man before he
** was a confpicuous one ; fo as when he came
■ ^^ firfl: to fhew himfelf in the Houfe of Commons,
- *^ he was foon a bell-wether in that flock. As
*' he had thefe parts, he knew how to fetavalue
** upon them, if not to over-value them ; and he
^' too foon dil'covered a roughnefs in his nature
^ (which a man no more obliged by him than I
" was would have called an injuftice) ; though
*' many of his confidants (who were my good
*^ friends, when I, like a little worm being trod
" on, could turn and laugh, and under that dif-
'^ guife fay as piquant words as my little witcould
*' help me to) were wont to fwear to me, that he
** endeavoured to be jufl: to all, but was refolvcd
-.*' to be gracious to none but to thofe whom he
lo *' thought
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LORD Sl^ AFFORD, ^35
^^ thought inwardly affected him; all which
*^ never bowed me, till his broken fortune, and,
** as I thought, very unjuftifiable profecution,
*' madd me one of the fifty-fix who gave a nega-
*'' tive to that fetal bill which cut the thread of
« his life.
'' He gave an early fpecimen of the roughnefs
*' of his nature, when, in the eager purfuit of
" the Houfe of Commons after the Duke of
^' Buckingham, he advifed or gave counfel againfl:
*' another, which was afterwards taken up and
*' purfued againfl: himfelf. Thus, preffing upon
*' another's cafe, he awakened his own fate ; for
•*' when that Houfe was in confultation how to
" frame the particular charge againfl: that great
*' Duke, he advifed to make a general one, and
*' to accufe him of treafon, and to let him get
^' off afterwards as he could, which really befell
*« himfelf at lafl:.
" In his perfon he was of a tall fl:ature, but
'' fliooped much in the neck. Hk countenance
*' was cloudy whilfl: he moved or fat thinking ;
*' but when he fpake ferioufly or facetioiifly, he
** had a lightfome and a very pleafant ayre ; , and
*' indeed, whatever he then did, he did grace-
«^ fully. Unavoidable it is but that great men
'^ give great difcontents to fome ; and the lofty
*' humour of this great man engaged hira too
" often,
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35^ tOKX> STItAFFORlH
** often, and againfl too many, in thM kindt J
^ and particularly one with the old Chancellor
^ Loftus, which was fuUied (as was fuppofed)
« by an intrigue betwixt him and his daughtef-
" in-law* But with^hefe virtues and infirnntiet
'^ we will leave him ruling profperoufly in Ire*
^ land, imtil his own ambition or prefumption
'^ brings him over to England in the year 1^63?,
^ to take up a loft game, wherein he loft him^
*' felf.'^
When Lord Strafford was Lord-Lieutenant of
Ireland, he made an order, that no Feet fliould
be admitted into the Houfe of Lords in that
kingdom without leaving his fword with the
door-keeper. Many Peers had already complied
with this infolent order, when the Duke, then
Earl, of Ormond being afked for his fword, he
replkd to the door-keeper, " If you make that
*^ requeft again. Sir, I fhall plunge my fword
*' into your body.** Lord Strafford hearing of
this laid, ** This Nobleman is a man that we
^ muft endeavour to get over to us.'*
Defedion in party was perhaps never more
feverely punifhed than in the fate of this extra-
ordinary Perfonage. On quitting the Country
Party, he told his old feUow-labourer Mr. Pym,
<* You fee. Sir, I have left you."—*' So, I fee,
^ Sir Thomas,** replied Mr. Pym j "but we will
** never
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LOkD STRAFFORD. 337
^* never leave you fo long as you have a head
** upon your (houlders/*
The following curious aiid detailed account of
the apprehenfion and trial of Lord StraflFord is
taken from " A Journal addreffed to the Preflby-
•* tery of Irvine in Scotland, by Robert Baillie^
" D. D. Principal of the Univerfity of Glafgow/'
who -was fent up to London in 1640 by the Co-
venanting Lords of Scotland to draw up the Ar-
ticles of Impeachment againft Archbifliop Laud,
for havmg made fome innovations in the fervice
of the Church of Scotland :
*' Among many more/' fays the Doftor, ** I
" have been an affiduous afliftant of that nation
. ^^ (the Englifli), and therefore I will offer to giv^
*^ you fome account of a part I have heard and
" feen in that notable procefs.
" Weftminfter-hall is a room as long as broad,
" if not more, than the outer-houfe of the High
^^ Church of Glafgow, fuppofing the pillars were
" removed. In the midft of it was erefted a
" ftage, like that prepared for the Affembly of
*' Glafgow, but much more large, taking up the
" breadth of the whole houfe from wall to wall,
" and of the length more than a third part. On
" the north end was fet a throne for the King,
" and a chair for the Prince. Before it lay z
VOL. I. z , " large
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33^ LORD STRAFFORD.
*' large woolfack^ covered with green, for my
*^ Lord Steward the Earl of Arundel. Beneath
*^ it lay two facks for my Lord Keeper and the
" Judges, with the reft of the Chancery, all in
" their red robes. Beneath this, a little table
" for four or five Clerks of the Parliament, ki
*^ bkck gowns. Round about thefe, fome forms
^ covered with green frieze, whereupon the Earls
" and Lords did fit, in their red robes, of the
" fame fafhion, lined with the fame white ermine
*^ fkins as ye fee the robes of our Lords when
*^ they ride in Parliament ; the Lords on their
*^ right fleeves having two bars of white fkins,
*^ the Vifcounts two and a half, the Earls three,
*^ the Marquis of Winchefter three and a half.
** England hath no more MarquifTes; and he but
** a late upftart, a creature of C^een Elizabeth.
^ Hamilton goes here but among the Earls, and
'^ that a late one. Dukes they have none in
^^ Parliament j York, Richmond, and Bucking-
" ham, are but boys ; Lenox goes among the.
*^ late Earls. Behind the forms where the Lords
'^ fit, there is a bar covered with green. At the
*' one end ftands the Committee of eight or ten
*^ Gentlemen appointed by the Houfe of Com-
" mons to purine. At the midft there is a little
" delki where the prifoner, StraflFord, ftands and
" fits as he pleafes, together vrfth his Keeper,
" Sir William Balfour, the Lieutenant of the
« Tower.
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Lord sTRAFfdiifi. 339^
•^ Towen At the back of this' is a deik for
*' Strafford's four Secretaries, who carried his
*^ papers, and affifted him in \^Titiiig and read-
** ing. At their fide is a void for witnefles to
*' (land ; ind behind therti a long deik at the
** wafl of the room for Strafford's Counfel at
*^ Law, fome five or fi>c able Lawyers, who were
*' not permitted to difpute in matters of faft,
** but queftions of right, if any fliould be inci-
*' dent,
" This IS the order of the Houfe Below on
*' the floor, the fame that is ufed daily in the
** Higher Houfe.— Upon the two fides of the
*' Houfe, eaft and weft, there arofe a ftage of
« eleven ranks of forms, the higheft almoft
•^ touching the roo£ Every one of thefe forms
" went from one end of the room to the other,
** and contained about forty men; the two high-
" eft were divided from the reft by a rail; and a
"rail at every end cut off fome 'feats* The
** Gentlemen of the Lower Houfe fat within the
" rails, others without. All the doors were kept
^* yery ftraitly with guards. We always behoved
<* to be there a little after five in the morning.
*' Lord Willoiighby Earl of Lindfay, Lord
*^ Chamberlain of England^ (Pembroke is Cham-
*< berlain of the Court,) orllered the Houfe with
/* great difficulty; James Maxwell, Black Rod,
2 2 " was
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340 I.OILD STAFFORD.
** was Great TJflier; a number of other fervants,
** Gentlemen and Knights, affiftedj by favour
" we got place within the rail among the Com-
** mons. The Houfe was fiill daily before feven^
*' About eight the Earl of Strafford came in
** his barge from the Tower, attended with the
^' Lieutenant and. a guard of mufqueteers and
*• halberdeers. The Lords in their robes were
*' fet about eight. The King was ufually half
** an hour before them. He came not into his
" throne, for that would have marred the aftion;
*' for it Is the order of England, when the King
*^ appears he fpeaks what he will, but no other
*' fpeaks in his prefence. At the back of the
" throne were two rooms on the two fides: in the
^' one, Duke de Vanden, Duke de Valler, and
" other French Nobles fat; in the other, the
** King, Queen, Princefs Mary, the Prince
** Eleftor, and fome Court Ladies. The tirlies
*' that made them to be fecret rthe King brake
** down with his own ha^nds, fo that they fatiji
" the eyes of all, but little more regarded than
*' if they had been abfent ; for the Lords fat all
" covered, Thofe of the Lower Houfe,. and all
" other, except the French Noblemen, fat dif-
" covered when the Lords came, not elfe. A>
" number of Ladii)^ were iix the boxes above
" . the rails, for whhti they paid much money^
^^ It was daily the molt glorious Aflembiy the
^' Ifle
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LORD STRAFFORD. 34I
" Ifle xrould aflford; yet the gravity not fuch a§ I
*« expefted; oft great clamour without about the
*' doors. la the interval, while Strafford was
" making ready for anfwers, the Lords got aU
" ways to their feet, walked and chatted : the
** Lower Houfemen too loud chatting. After
** ten, much public eating, not only of confec^
*' tions, but of flefli and bread, bottles of beer
*' and wine going thick from mouth to mouth
" 'Without cups, and all this in the King's eye ;
" yea, many but turned their backs and let water
" go through the forms they fat on. There was
*i no outgoing to return; and oft the fitting was
" till two, three, or four o*clock at night.
" TUESDAY THE THIRTEENTH,
" The feventeenth feffion. All being fet
" as before, Strafford made a fpeech large two
" hours and a half, went through all the articles
" but thefe three, which imported ftatute-treafon,
*' the fifteenth, twenty-firft, twenty-feventh, and
" others which were alledged, as he fpake, for
" conftruftive and confequential treafon, Firft,
" the articles bearing his words, then thefe
" which had his counfels and deeds. To all he
** repeated not new, but the beft of his former
" anfwers ; and in the end, after fome laflmefs
*' and fagging, he made fuch a pathetic oration
*^ for an half houri as ever comedian did uponr
23 "a ftage.^
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34^ LORD STRAFFORD.
*' a ftagc. The matter and expreflion was ex-
'* ceeding brave ; doubtlefs if he had grace or
*' civil goodnefs, he is a moft eloquent man.
** The fpeech you have it here in print. One
** paflage made it moft fpoken of; his breaking
^* off in weeping and filence when he fpoke of
** his firft wife. Some took it for a true defeft
*' in his memory; others, and for the moft part,
*^ for a notable part of his rhetoric ; fome, that
" true grief, and remorfe at that remembrance,
*^ had ftopthis mouth; for they fay that his firft
" lady, the Earl of Clare's fifter; being, with
*^ child, and finding one of his whore's letters,
" brought it to him, and chiding him therefore,
*^ he ftruck her on the breaft, whereof fhortly
"fhedied.''
Principal Baillie's account of the apprehenfion
of Lord Strafford is very curious : — " AH things
" go here as we could wifti- The Lieutenant
" of Irdand (Lord Strafford) came but on Mon-
" day to town, late; on Tuefday refted; and
" on Wednefday came to Parliament; but ere
*' night he was caged. Intolerable pride and
" oppreffion call to Heaven for vengeance. The
" Lower Houfe clofed their doors ; the Speaker
" kept the keys till his accufation was cpn-*
•^ eluded.; Thereafter Mr. Pym went up with a
« number at his back to the Higher Houfe, and,
" in
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LORD STRAFFORD. 343
** in a pretty fhort fpeech, did in the name of the
*' Commons of all England accufe Thomas Lord
'* Strafford of high treafon, and required his
*^ perfon to be arrefted till probation might be
" made: fo Mr, Pym and his back were removed.
" The Lords began to confult on that ftrange
*' and unpremeditated motion. The word goes
" in hafte to the Lord Lieutenant, where he
** was with the King : with fpeed he comes to
" the Houfe of Peers, and calls rudely at the
^* door. James Maxweli, Keeper of the Black
** Rod, opens. His Lordfliip, with a proud
*' glooming countenance, makes towards his
" place at the board head, but at once many
** bid him void the Houfe. So he is forced in
** conflilidn to go to the door till he is called.
" After confultation he ftands, but is told to
*^ kneel, and on his knees to hear the fentence.
*' Being on his knees, he is delivered to the
*' Black Rod to he prifoner till he is cleared of
'^ the crimes he is charged with. He offered to
*' fpeak, but was commanded to be gone with-
*^ out a word. In the outer room, James Max-
" well required of him, as prifoner, to deliver
" him his fword. When he had got it, with a
*^ loud voice he told his man to carry the Lord
«* Lieutenant^s fword. This done,/ he makes
^ through a number of people towards his
•* coach, all gazing, no man capping to him,
z 4 " before
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344 LORD STRAFFORD.
" before whom that mondng the greateft in
*' England would have flood difcovered; all
** crymg. What is the matter ? He faid, A fmall
" matter, I warrant you. They replied. Yes
" indeed, high treafon is a fmall matter! Com-
" ing to the place where he expefted his coach,
*^ it was not there ; fo he behoved to return the
*' fame way through a world of gazing people.
*' When at laft he had found his coach, and
« was entering it, James Maxwell told him. My
** Lord, you are my prifoner, and mud go in
** my coach ; fo he behoved to do. For fome
^* days too many went to fee him ; but fmce,
** the Parliament has commanded his keepers to
** be ftraiter. Pourfuivants are difpatched to
^' Ireland, to open all the ports, and to pro-
** claim, that all who had grievances might
** come over/'
RICHARD BOYLE^
FIRST EARL OF CORK.
Dr. Waller, in his funeral fermon on the
death of the Earl's feventh daughter, the Coun*
tefs of Warwick, fays, " She was truly excel-
«* lent and grejat in all refpeds j great in the
'* honour
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MCHARD B0YL8. 345
** honour of her birth^ being bom a lacfy and a
^^ vertuofa both, feventh daughter of that emi-
*« nently honourable Richard the firft Earl of
" Corke, who being bom a private Gentleman,
<« and a younger brother of a younger brother,
** to no other heritage than this device and
** motto, which his humble gratitude infcribed
*^ on all the palaces he built,
«< God's Providence is my inheritance 5"
** by that Providence, and by his diligent and
*^ wife induftry, he raifed fuch an honour and
** eftate, arid left fuch a family as never any fub-
*' jea of thefe three kingdoms did ; and that
^* with fo unfpotted a reputation of integrity,
*' that the moft invidious fdrutiny could find no
** blot, though it winnowed all the methods of
" his rifmg moft feverdy, which the good Lady*
"Warwick hath often told me with great con-
" tent and fatisfeftion.
<' This noble Lord, ^y his prudent and pious
** confort, (no lefTe an bmariient and honour to
** their defcendants than herfelf,) was blefled
** with five fonnes, of ^Tiich he lived to fee four
" Lords and Peers of the kingdom of Irdahd ;
" ind a fifth {more than 'theft tititsjfedk) a fove-
" reign, and peerlefle, in a larger province (that
** of ^niverfal nature), fubdued and made obfe-
" quious
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346 RICHARD BOYLE,
** quious to his inquifitive mind * ;— and dght
^ daughters. And th^t you may know how all
^ things were extraordinary in this great per-
*^ fonage, it will, I hope, be netther unpleafant
*' nor impertinent to add a (hort ftory I had
" from his daughter's (Lady Warwick's) own
" mouth.
** Mafter Boyle, (afterwards Earl of Corke,)
** who was then a widower, came one morning
•• to wait on Sir JeofFery Fenton, Secretary of
** . State for Ireland ; who being engaged in bu*
** fmefe, and. not knowing who it was that de*
^^ fired to fpeak to him, for a while delayed him .
*' acceffei which time he fpent pleafaptly with
*' the Secretary's daughter, then a child in the
** nurfe's arms. But when Sir Jeoffery came
*' and faw whom he had made Hay fomewhat .
** too long, he civilly excufed it. But Mafter 1
" Boyle replied, he had been very w^ell em^
** ployed, and had fpent his time much to his
" fatisfaftion in eourting his daughter, if he
*' might obtaine the honour of being his fon-in-
" law. At which Sir Jeoflfery fmiled, (fo hear .
*< olie who had been fornuerly married move for,
** a wife carried in arms, and under two years
*' old,) and aiked him if he could ftayfor h^r.j
♦ The Honourable Robert Boyle, one of the greateft na-
tural philofophers that any country has ever produced.
'' to
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BI3HOP BEDELL. 347
^' to which he frankly anfwered him that he
«* would, and Sir Jeoffirey as generoufly pro-
*' mifed him that he fhould have his confent.
*' And they both kept their words afterwards
** very honourably/*
BISHOP BEDELL.
This excellent Prelate, to whom the Irifli arc
indebted for the tranflation of the Bible into
their language, was Bifliop of Kilmore in Ire-
land. Like the late Bifliop Berkeley, he would
never be tranflated from one See to another,
thinking with him, that his church was his wife,
and his diocefe his children, from whom he
fliould never be divorced.
** Bifliop Bedell lived with his clergy," fays his
Biographer, " as if they had been his brethren,
** When he went his vifitations, he would not
« accept of the invitations that were made to
*^ him by the great men of the country, but
" would needs eat with his brethren, in fucK
*' poor inns, and of fuch coarfe fare, as the
" places . afforded. He went about always on
" foot when he was at Dublin, (one fervant only
*« attending him,) except upon public occafions,
** that obliged him to ride in proceflion with his
** brethren
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34^ BISHOP BEDELJU
^ brethren. He never kept a coach m his life,
^ his ftrength always enabling him to rkle on
" horfcback. Many poor Irifh families about
*^ him were maintained out of his kitchen, and
^ in the Chriftmas-time he had the poor ahways
" eating with him at his own table, and he
•* brought himfelf to endure both the fight of
** their rags and their rudenefs. He by his will
•^ ordered that his body fhould be buried in a
** church-yard, with this infcription :
DEPOSITUM GULIELMI QUONDAM
EPISCOPI KILMORENSIS,
** He did not like," continues his Biographer,
^ the burying in a church ; for as, he obferved,
** th^re was much both of fuperftition and pride
•* in it, fo he believed it was a great annoyance
•* to the living, where there was fo much of the
^ fleam of dead bodies rifmg about them* He
^ was likewife much . offended at the rudenefs
*^ which thp croudn^ the de?Ki bodies in a fmall
** parcel of ground occafioned ; for. the bodies
•* already laid there, and not yet quite rotten^
^ were often raifed and mangled; fo that h«
^ made a Canon in hi$ Synod againft burying
** in churches, and recommended that burying-
*' places fliould be removed out of towns* In
^ this he was imitated by the Cardinal de Lo»
" menie, Archbifliop of Sens, who publifhed^
** fome years ago, a very eloquent mandemeU
" on the fubjeft**'
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I 349 3
SIR HENRY WOTTON.
The conclufion of the Infcriprion which this
learned man ufed to put under the Achievement
of his Arms, when he left them in foreign lam
in his Travels, after the wiumeration of his qua-
lities, and o( the Embaffies in which he had been
engaged, was ^
" Henricus Wotton, tandem hocJididi
*' Animas Jieri fapientiores quiefcendon*
He gave this excellent charafter of Sir Philip
Sydney's wit, " That it was the very meafure of
** congruity,''
According to his Biographer, Sir ttenry teui
made fome progrefs in a work which he had be^
gun on the Reformation, and which he gave up at
the defire of his Sovereign Charles the Firil,
who wifced him to write the Hiftory of England-
It were, indeed, much t6 be wifhed, that it were
poffible to procure Sir Henry's Manuicripts of
his, intended work*
He wrote a very excellent Treatile on the
*' Elements of Architecture,*' in which the idea
of Home, that fcene of every man's happinefs or
mifery, is thus pathetically defcribed: Ever}--
*^ man's proper manfion-houfe and home being
" the theatre of his hofpitality, thc^feat of felf-
15 *' fruition.
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35^ SIR H£KRY IV'OTTOl^.
" fruition, the comfortableft part of hi& own
" life, the nobleft of his fon's inheritance, a
'* kind of private princedom, nay, to the pof-
** feffors thereof, an epitome of the whole world,
** may well deferve by thefe attributes, accord-
** ing to the degree of the matter, to be de*
" cently and delightfully adorned/' He wrote
likewife " A Survey of Education,'* which he
calls Moral Architefture, in which he well ob-
ferves, that the way to knowledge by epitome is
too ftreight, and by commentaries too much
about. " When," adds he, " I mark in chil-
" dren much folitude and filence, I like it not,
*' nor any thing born before its time, as this
** mutt needs be in that fociable and expofed
" age,as they are for the moft part. When either
*^ alone or in company they fit ftill without doing
** any thing, I like it worfe. For furely all dif-
*' pofition to idlenefs or vacancy, even before they
*^ grow habits, is dangerous j and there is com-
*' monly but little diftance in time between do-
*' ing of nothing and doing of ill."
Sir Henry fays beautifully, in his charader of
a Happy Life— •
I.
How happy is he bom and taught
That ierveth not another's will, "
Whofc armour is his honeft thought,
And fimple truth his utmoft flcill:
Whofc
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J SIR HENRY WDTTON. 35!
II.
Whi)fe paflTions not his mailers are,
Whofe foul is ftill prepared for death ;
Untied unto the world by care
Of public fame or private breath :
III.
Who envies none that chance doth raifc.
Nor vice hath ever underftood,
How deepeft wounds are given by praife»
Nor rules of State, but rules of good :
IV.
Who hath his life from rumours freed,
Whofe confcience is his ftrong retreat,
^Tiofe ftate can neither flatterers feed.
Nor ruin make oppreflTors great :
V.
Who God doth late and early pray
More of his grace than gifts to lend.
And entertains the harmlefs day
With a religious book or friend :
VI.
This man is freed from fervile bands.
Of hope to rife, or fear to fall ;
Lord of himfelf, though not of lands.
And having nothing, yet hath all.
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C 35« 3
OLIVER CROMWELL,
after he had run thtough his^ youthful career of
amufement and diflipation, became fo hypochon-
driacal, that he ufed occalionally to have his
phyfician called up m the middle of the night to
attend him, as he imagined himfelf to be dying.
In one of thefe fits of melancholy he is faid to
have feen a gigantic female figure, that told him
he fliould be a King*
Sir Philip Warwick thus defcribes Oliver
Cromwell :
" The firft time that I ever took notice of him
** was in the very beginning of the Parliament
*i .held in .November 1640. I perceived a geti*
*' tlem^n fpeaking, whom I knew not, very or-
*' dinarily apparelled ; for it was a plain cloth
^^ fuit, which feemed to have been made by an
** ill country taylor. His linen was plain, and
.*' not very clean, and I remember a fpeck or
** two of blood upon his little band, which was
** not much larger than his collar : his hat waS
** without a hat-band.— His ftature was of a good
*' fize ; his fword ftuck clofe to his fide ; his
*^ countenance fwoln and reddifli ; his voice
** fharp and untunable, and his eloquence fiill
** of fervor, for the fubjed-matter would not
" beat;
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OLIVER CROMWELL^ 353*
** bear much of reafon, it being in behalf of a
^ fervant of Mr. Prynne's who had difperfed
** Kbels againft the Queen for her dancing, and
^* fuch like innocent and courtly fports ; and he
^ aggravated the imprifonment of this man by
" the Couhcil-taWe unto that length, that one
^ would have belieVed that the very govem-
*' ment itfelf had been in great danger by it, I
*f fincerely profefs it leffened very much my re-
** verence for that great Council, for he was
** very much hearkened unto. And yet I lived
** to fee this very Gentleman whom (out of no
** ill-will to him) I thus defcribe, by multiplied
" fucceffes, and by real but ufurped power, hav-
** ing had a better taylor, and more converfe
** amongft good company, in mine own eye,
*^ when, for fix weeks together^ I was a pri-
" foner at Whitehall, appear of a great and ma-i
jeilic deportment and comely prefence.
€C
(€
The firft years,'' adds Sir Philip, .« of
•* Cromwell's manhood were fpent in a diffolute
** courfe of life, in good fellowfliip and gaming,
*' which afterwards he feemed v^ry fcnfible of,
" and very forry for ; and as if it had been a
^' good i^irit that had guided him thereiil, he
*^ ufed a good method upon his cpnverfion j for
** he declared that he was ready to make refti*
*' tution unto any man who would accufe him,
** or >;rtiom he could accufe himfelf to have
vot, I. A A f * wronged.
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354 OLIVER CROMWELL*
** wronged. (To his honour I fpeak this,*' con-
tinues Sir Philip j *' for I think the public ac*
*♦ knowledgments men make of the public evils
*' they have done, to be the moft glorious tro-
*• phies that can be afligned to them.) When
*' he was thus civilized, he joined himfelf to men
** of his own temper, who pretended to tranfports
^ and revelations."
Lord HoUis, in his Memoirs, accufes Cromwell
of behaving cowardly in two or three adions ;
and adds, that as he was going in proceflion to
the High Court of Juftice in Weftminfter-hall^
to try the King, fome of the foldiers reproached
him openly, and in the hearing of the people,
with want of courage.
Olivet's fpeeches to his Parliament appear per-
plexed and embarraffed. He had, moft probably,
his-reafons for making them unintelligible.
Mr. Spence, in his MS. Anecdotes, fays, that a
Dean of Peterborough told lym, that he once!
heard Cromwell, in Council, deliver an opinion
upon fome commercial matter with great precis
fion, and great knowledge of the fubjed *«
♦ «« Anecdotes by the Rev. Mr, Spence," (AutKor of
Porymetifty) in MS* which contain feveral very curious par-
ticulars of the gi^at men of the laft and of the prefent age.
The publication of them would afford great inftrudion and
amufement to the lorcr9 of the hiftory and literature of thj^
country.
In
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OLIVER CioiiWELt:. 3^5
Ih his cheerful hours Cromwell appears to have
laughed at the fanatics tvho fup^orted him and I
his government. The jeft of thfe fcork^fcrew is
well known } and when, on his haviilg difpatched
a fleet lipon fome fecret expedition, one of the
fanatics called upon him, and had the impudence
to tell him that the Lord ivanted tb know the
deftination of it j « The Lofd ffiall know,*' fays
Cromwell, ^« for thou fliall go with the fleet/'
60 ringing his bell^ he ordered fome of his foU
diers to take hinl on board one of the fliips be-
longing to it.
Cromt^rell, like ihany other reformers of go-
vernment, was very apt to cenfure grievances in
Church and State, thoiigti he had not framed to
himfelf any particular or fpecific plan of amending
them. On the fubjeft of ecclefiaftical afiairs he
bnce frankly and ingentibully faid, to fome per-
fons with whdm he was difputing, ** I can tell
^* what I would not have, though I cannot tell
^* what I would have.**
CromWell, like fome other politicians, thought
very flightingly of the will and of the power of
the people ; for when he was told by Mr. Calamy,
the celebrated Diflenting Minifl:er, that it was
both unlawful and impracticable that one man
ihould aflume the government of the country,^
A A a he
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35^ OLIVER eitOMWELU
he faid to him, ^ Pray, why is it impra£ticable ?*^
And on Mr. Caktmy replying, *' O, it is the
•* voice of the Nation ; there will be nine in ten
** againftyouf'— ^* Very well,'* rejoined Crom-
well ; " but what if I fliould difarm the nine,
;*^ and put the fword int'O the tenth man's hand,
*« would not that do the bufmefs ?'* The French
.proverb fays, '' A man never goes fo far as
'^ when he does, not kijiow where he is going/*
.This was, moft probably, Cromwell's cafe : he
Jiadg indeed^ gone fo far, that, with Macbeth, he
might have faid.
Returning were as tedious as go o'er.
Marfh^l Villeroy, Louis the XlVth's Governor,
afked Lockhart, Cromwell's Ambaflador, " Why
^^ his mafter had not taken the title of King?"-—
^' Monfieur," replied Lockhart, " we know the
^' extent of the prerogatives of a King, but know
1" not thofe of a Proteftor."— D'Argenson,
Oliver's fears for his perfonal fafety carried
liim on in his career of wickednefs when once
he had begun it, and particularly when he
found that he cduld not truft the affurances of
his Sovereign. The ^latter part of his life was
embittered by fear and remorfe, and after the
publication oiF that celebrated work " Killing no
- • « Murder,"
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OLIVER CROMWBLli. 357
^ Murder/' * he appear? never to have ha4 a
quiet moment*
Oliver was, perhaps, never more accurately
defcribed than by Sir William Waller in his
^ RecoUeftions.** Speaking of the beathig up
of Colonel Long's quarters, as he terms it, in
which Cromweirs horfe did good fervice, he
fays, " And here I cannot but mention the won-
^* der which I have oft times had to fee thi^
^* Eagle in his eirey ; he att this time had never /
'* fheWn extraordinary partes, nor do I think that
*' he did himfelf believe tji^t he had them, for^
^' although he was blunt, he did not bear himfelf
^^ with pride or difdaine. As an Officer he was
*< obedient, and did never difpute my orders,
^* nor argue upon theip. He did indeed feeme
^* to have great cunning ; and whilft he was
^^ cautious of his own words, (not putting forth
^ too many, left they Ihould betray his thoughts,)
** he made others talk untill he had, as it were,
^* fifted them, and known their moft intiinate
}^ defigns. A notable inftance.was his difcover-
ing, in one fliort converfation with one Cap-
tain Giles, (a great favourite with the Lord
^' General, and whome he nioft confided in,)
^* that although his words were full of zeal, and
*' his adions feemingly brave, th^t his he^rt was
<' not with the caufe j and, in fine^j thi^ man dicl
A A 3 *^ fliortly
<(
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35^ OIAVIK CROMWEtL.'
•* fhortly ?it§r join the enemy at Oxford with
" three and twenty ftout fellowes. One othgr
** inftance I will here fett down, bemg of thef
" feme fort a§ to bis cunning ;
<^ When I took the Lord Piercy at Andoyer^
** having at that time an inconvenient diftenipet,
•* I defired Colonel 0romweU to entertaine him
" with fome civility ; who did afterwards tell me^
*^ that amongft thof^ whpip Y^^ took with him
** (being about thirty) there w?is ^ youth of fo
** faire a countenance, that he doubted qf his
** condition; and, to confirm himfelf, willed
** him to fing j whiqh hf did with fuch a dainti-
** nefs, that Cromwell fcrupl^ not tP fay to
** Lord Piercy, that being a wapriour, be did
** wifely to be accompanied by Amazons. 0^
^* which that Lord, in fome confufion, did ac-
** knowledge that fhe was a dzatfeV^-^Recol/ec^
tions^by General SirWihhiAuWALhERy^2Lge 1 24.
The Original of the following Letter is in the
Bodleian Library at Oxford*, It is without the
fignature.
" |n purfuance to my promife, I have fent
*' you the flory you defired of me when I faw
^* you lafl. Sir, after the late ^g was beheaded,
' '^ ' cc (if
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OLIVER CROMWELLf 359
i» (If I miftake not,) Latham Houfe, w'* belonged
^* to the Earl of Derby, (who was alfo beheaded
^* at Liverpool,) was furrendered to my Lord
^' Fairfax, upon promife of having quarter ; at
^' which furrender, my father being in the houfe,
^' and Chaplain to the Earl, was taken prifoner
^* with the Earl of Derby's children, who were
^' imprifoned in Liverpool Gaol, where he wa$
** kept clofe prifoner in y^ dimgeon, ,tho^ the
*' reft were permitted the liberty of the gaol-
*^ yard ; where I believe he would have lain till
f ' the King's return, or till Death had fet him at*
<' liberty, if it had not been his fortune to have -
^' been freed by the following accident.
^' The Patriarchs of Greece hearing of the
*« unparalleled murder of our late King by his
<* own fubjefts, fent one of their own body as
** an Envoy over here into England, and his
" errand was this : To know of Oliver Grom-
" well, and the reft, by what law^ either of God
♦* or m^i;f, they put their King to death. But
f« the Patriarch fpeaking no language but the
<* common Greek, and roaming without an in-
" terpreter, no one underftood him ; and tho*
^^ there were many good Grecians (whofe names
<^ I have forgot) brought to him, yet they could
f? not underftand his Greek. Thereupon Len-
f* tale, who was Speaker to the IJoufe of Com-
AA 4 " mons.
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3^0 OLIVER CROMWEtL,
*f mons, told them, that there was in prifon ona
*' of the King's party that underftood the com*
** mon Greek, who would interpret to them
*' what the Patriarch faid, if they would fet him
«^ at liberty, and withal promife not to punifh
" him,if what he interpreted outof thcP^triarch's
*' words reflefted on them ; which, at laft, they
^^ were forced to do, tho* much againft their
<* will. At laft the day was fet for hearing,
*' where were prefent Cromwell, Bradfhaw, and
*' moft of the late King's Judges, if not all.
«« When the Patriarch came, he wrote in the
«* common Greek the aforefaid fentence, and
« figned it with his own hand ; after which, my
*' father turned it into our Greek ; which, when
<« it was written, he did (tho* with much adoe)
« underftand and fet his hand to it. Then my
^ father turned it into Latin and Englifli, and
" delivered it imder his hand to Cromwell, y«
^ that was the bufinefsof the Patriarch's cmbaffy;
^' who then returned him this anfwer, that they
«^ would confider of it, and in a fhort time fend
«' him thpir anfwer : but after a long ftay, and
^ many delays, the Patriarch was forced to re-
" turn as wife as he came. Upon the Patriarch's
*' departure, they would have fent my father to
•^ prifon again, but Lentale would not let them,
" faying, that it was their promife that he fhould
<« be at libi?rty j whereupon they fent for him,
'' and
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PJ-IVER CROMWELL. 361
^ and commanded him to keep the Patriarch'^ *
*^ embafly private, and not- to divulge it, upon
«' pain of imprifon^ if not of death. Then Lcn-
** tale made him Preacher of the Rolls, and my
*^ fether bought chamber^ in Gray's-Inn, virhich
*f chambers he afterwards parted with to Mr,
*' Barker, who now has the poffeffion of them.
*« This is the relation which I have heard my
*« father oftentimes tell ; and, to the bed of my
" knowledge, I have neither added nor 4iminifhe4
^ anything.*'
Cromwell, after having diffolved the Parliament
by his own authority, nomiiiated and called up
perfbns to ferve in a Council of State that was to
fupply the abfence of that aiTembly, as appears
by the following Summons.
The Original was obligingly communicated to
the Compile Rby Mr. Green, of BedfordSquare*
" Forafmuch as upon the diffolution of
*^ the late Parliament, it became necef-
" fary that the peace, fafety, and good
" government of this Commonwealth
^ *' fhould be provided for ; and in order there-
** unto, perfons fearing God, and of approved
•^ fidelity and honefty, are by myfelf, with the
*^ advice of my Councill of Officers^ nominated,
** to whome the greate charge and truft of foei
" weighty
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n^62 OLIVER CHOMWELI^,
^ weighty affaires is to be corojtted ; and having
*f good aflurance of yo' love to & courage for
** God, & y' intereft^of his caule, ^ of y' gopd
** people of thi$ Comonwealth j
^* Ij^Oliver Cromwell, Cap^ Generall and
^* Comander in Ghiefe of all the armies and
^ forces raifed and to be raifed within this
^ Comonw^th, doe hereby fomon & require
•* you, William Weft, Efquire (being one of the
<* perfons nominated), pfonally to be & appeare
** at ye Councill Chamber comonly knowne ot
*^ called by the nan^e of the Councill Chamber
*f in Whitehall, w'lin the City of Weftminft^
^ upon the fourth day of July next enfueing the
^ date hereof, then & there to take upon youy*
** faid truft, unto w'^ you are hereby called ^4
" appointed to ferve as a Member for y* countie
«* of Lancafter, and hereof you are not to faile.
^ Given under my Hande and Seale the fixth
i^ day of June i6^^.
f* O. Cromwell/'
The Originals of the following charafteriftic
Letters of Oliver Cromwell are in the Bodleian
t-ibrary at Oxford :
** Sir, Wee doe with greife of hart recent the
*« fadd condition of our armie in the We?:, and
•« of affaires tl^re. That bufinefle hath our haptes
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OLIVER CROMWELL. 563
f « with itt, and truly had wee wmges, wee would
-*^ flye theither. Soe foone as ever my Lord and
^* the foote fett mee loofe, there Ihall bee noc
^^ want in mee to haften what I cann to that
** feruice ; for indeed, all other confiderations
f^ are to bee layed afide, and to give place to itt,
" as beinge of farr more importance. I hope the
f * kingdom Ihall fee, that in the middeft of our
f f neceiHjties wee ihall ferue them w'*out dilpute.
<« Wee hope to forgett our wants, which are ex-
f * ceedinge great, aad ill cared for, and delier to
** referr the many flaunders heaped upon us by
f ^ ialfe tongues to God, whoe will in due tyme
*^ make it ap^re to the world, that we ftudyc
' f ^ the glory of Gojl, the honor and libeftye of
f ^ the Parliament, for w*''* wgQ yn^nnimoufly fig^t,
f * \yithout feekinge our owne interefts. Indeed^
** wee finde our men never foe cheerfuU as when
f * there is worke to doe. I truft you will alwaies
** heere foe of them. The Lprd is our ftrength,
f* and in him all our hope. Pray for us. Pre-
f* fent iny Ipue to my freinds. I begg their
f* prayers. The Lord ftiU bleffe you. Wee
f * have fome amongft us much flow in aftion.
f ^ If wee could all intend our owne ends lefle,
f ^ and our eafe too, our bufineffes in this armie
f* would goe pnn wheeles fpr expedition. Bc-»
f^ caufe fome of vs are enimies to rapine, and
tf other wickednefles, wee are fayd to befeftious,
** to
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3^4 OLIVER CROMWEtJ^
** to fccke to maintaine our opinions in religion
<^ by force, w*"^ wee deteft and abhorr. I pro-
^^ feffe I could never fatisfie my felfe of the iufte-
** neffe of this warr, but fron\ the authoritye of
^' the Parliament to maintaine itt in itts rights,
** and in this caufe I hope to approue my felfe
^^ an honeft man, and fmgle harted. Pardon mee
*' that I am thus troublefon^, I write but fd*
^' dom ; itt giues me a little eafe to poure my
*' minde, in the middeft of callumnies, imo the
** bofom of a freind : S', noe man more truly
*^ loues you than
*^ Your Brother and Seruant,
" Oliver Cromwell***
<« Sept. 6 or 5'\
« Sleeford:'
«* For Colonel Walton,
♦* theife in London***
" Deere S', It is our duty to fympathife in all
•' mercyes, that wee may praife the Lord toge-
*< there in chaftifements or tryalls, that foe wee
«' may forrowe together. Truly England, and
«' the Church of God, hath had a great fauor
5< from the Lord in this great viftorie given unto
•* us, fuch as the like neuer was fince this warr
*^ begunn : itt had all the euidences of an abfo-?
^*« lute viftorie, obtained by the Lord's bleffihge
«* upon the godly partye principally. Wee
«* neuer charged but wee routed the enimie:
*' the
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OLIVER Cromwell; ^365
^* the left winge w*** I comanded beinge our owne
*' horfe, fauinge a few Scotts in our reere, beat
" all the Prince's horfe. God made them as
^' ftubble to our fwords ; wee charged their re-
*' giments of fdote V*" our horfe, and routed all
*' wee charged. The perticulars I cannott relate
*' now, but I beleive, of 20,000, the Prince hath
^^ not 4000 left. Give glory, all the glory, to
" God. S', God hath taken away your eldeft
*^ fonn by a cannon fliott : itt brake his legg ;
** wee were neceffitated to have it cuttoff, wherof
" he died. S', you know my tryalls this way,
'* but the Lord fupported mb w'^ this, that the
" Lord tooke him' into the happinefle wee all
** pant after and liue for. There is your pre-
" cious child, ftill of glory, to know neither linn
'* nor forrow j and more, hee was a gallant
** younge man, exceedinge gracious. God give
*' you his comfort. Before his death, he was
^* foe full of comfort, that to Franke Ruffel and
" my felfe hee could not expreffe itt, itt was foe
" great aboue his paine ; this hee fayd to us ;
** indeed, it was admirable. Little after, hee
*^ fayd one thinge lay** upon his fpirit. I aOced
^' him what that was : he told me, that it was,
" that God had not ftiflfered him to bee noe
*^ more the executioner of his enimies. Att his
" fall, his horfe beinge killed w^,^ the buUett, and,
^' as I am enformed, 3 horfes more, I am told,
*^ hee
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^6^ OUVZk CROMWiM/4
•♦ hee bid them open to the right and left, that
•* hee might fee the rogues runn. Truly hee
«< was exceedingly belotied in the armie of ali
•* that knew him ; but few knew him, for he
*• was a precious younge man fitt for God. You
^< have caufe to blefle the Lord; hee is a glorious
^ faind in heauen> wherein you ought exceed*
** ingly to reioyce. Lett this drinke up your
^ forrowe^ feinge theife are not fayned words to
*^ comfort you^ but the thinge is foe real and
** undoubted a truthw You may doe allthinges
*' by the ftrength of Chrift. Seeke that, and
*' you fliall eafily beare your tryall. Lett this
*' publike mercy to the Church of God make
** you to forgett your priuate forrowew The
** Lord bee your ftrength, foe prayes
** Your truly faythfiill and louinge Brother ,
** Oliver Cromwell.*'
^ July 5tb, 1644/*
*« My loue to yoirr daughter, and to my cozeii
** Perceual, fifter Defbrowe, and all freinds w***
<* you."
*« Oliver CrotawcU, t^ie Proteftor,'* fays Ari-^
thony Wood, " loved a good voice and inftru-
** mental mufic well. Mf. Jatn^s Quift, a ftu-
' *' dent of C, C. Oxon, a good finger, was iri-
** ttoduced to hinl: he heard him fing with very
** great deKght, liquored him with fack, and in
** conclufion
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OLIVER CROMWELL* 367
^^ cdnclufion faid to him : " Mr. Quin, ybu
** have done very well : What fliall I do fot
*^ you?'* To which Qma made anfwer with
*^ great compliments (of which he had com-
** mand) with a great grace, " that your High-
•* nefs would be pleafed to reftore me to my ftu-
*^ dent's place :" which the Proteftor did ac-
** cordingly, and fp he kept it to his dying^ay."
It is mentioned in Spence's MS. Anecdotes^
that a few nights ^ter the execution of King
Charles the Firft, a man covered with a cloak^
and with his face muffled up, fuppofed to have
been Oliver Cromwell, marched flowly round
the coffin, covered with a pall, which contained
the body of Charles, and exclaimed, loudly
enough to be heard by the attendants on the re-
mains of that unfortunate Monarch, " Dreadful.
" neceffity !** ^ Having done this two or three
times, he marched out of the room, in the
fame flow and folemn manner in which he came
into it,
Cromwell and Ireton faw the execution of
Charles from a fmall window of the Banqueting
Houfe of Whitehall.
Provoil Baillie, who was in London at the tim*
of Oliver's death, fays :
« The
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368 OUVER CROMWELL.
^ TheProteftor, Oliver, endeavoured to fettle
•* all in his femily, but was prevented by death
*' before he could make a teftament. He had
*' not fupplied the blank with his fon Richard's
*' name by his hand ; and fcarce widi his mouth
•* could he declare that much of his will. Ther^
*' were no witneiTes to it but Thurloe and
•' Goodwin. Some did fearfully flatter him as
** much dead as living. Goodwin, at the Faft
^ . before his death, in his ptayer is faid to have
^' fpoke fuich words: Lord, we pray not for
^ thy fervant's life, for we know that is granted,
** but to haften his health, for that thy people
?* cannot want, ^d Mr. Sterry faid in the
*^ chapel, a^er his death, O Lord, thy late fer-
^ varit here is now at thy right hand, making
*' interceflion for the fins of England. — Both
V thefe are now out of favour, as Court panu
^^ fitesb But the moft fpake, and yet fpeak,
^« very evil of him ; and, as I think, much
^ worfe than he deferred of them.'*
RICHARD CROMWELL
is faid to have fallen at the feet of his father,
Oliver Cromwell, to beg the life of his Sove-
reign Charles the Firft. In the fame fpirit of
6 humanity.
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humanity, when Colonel Howard t^ld him, pn
hi$ father's death, that nothing but vigorous and
violent meafures could fecure the Prote£korate
to him, and that he ihould run no rifk^ fof
that he himfelf (Howard) would be anfwer*
able for the confequenc^s ; Richard replii^d,
^ Everyone ihall fee that I will do nobody any^
*• harm : I never have done any, nor ever will.
^* I (hall be much troubled if anyone is injured
♦^ on my account j and inftead of taking away
" the life bf the lead perfon in the naltion for
•* the prefervation of my greatnefs, (which is a
•* burthen to me,) I would not have one drop of
" blood fpilt."
Ri«hard, on his difmiflion from the Pro*
teftorate, refided fome time at Pe^enas, in Lan*
guedoc, and afterwards Went to Geneva. Some .
time in the year 1680 he returned to England,
and refided at Chefliunt in Hertfordfhire.
In 1705 he loft his only fon, and became in
right of him poffefled of the manor of Horfley,
which had belonged to his mother* Richard,
jhen in a. very advanced age, fent one of his
daughters to take poffeflion of the eftate for him*
3he kept it for herfelf and her fifters, allowing
her father pnly a fmall annuity out of it, till flie
ypas difpoffefled of it by a fentence of one of
the Courts of Weftminfter-Hall. It was requi-
voL. I. B B lite
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370 RICHARD CROMWELL.
fitc for this purpofc that Richard fhould appear
in perfon ; and the Judge who prefided, tradi*
don fays, was the elegant and eloquent Lord
Chancellor Cowper, who ordered a chair for
him in court, and defired him to keep on his
kat^
),
As he was returning from this trial, duriofity
led him to fee the Houfe of Peers, when being
dSkeA by a perfon, to whom he was a ibanger,
if he had ever feen anything like it before j he
replied, pointing to the throne, " Never, fince I
« fat in that chair/'
Richard Cromwell enjoyed a good ftate of
health to the age of eighty-fix, and died in the
year 17 12. He had taken, on his return to
England, the name of Richard Clark*
SIR HENRY VANE, Jun.
There feems never, in the Hiftory of Man-
kind, to have been a more complicated character
than that of Sir Henry Vane, fo fagacious and
refolute as to daunt and intimidate even Crom-
well himfelf, yet fo vifionary and fo feebl&»
minded as to be a Seeker and Millennift. His
fpeechrefpefting Richard Cromwell is a matter-
^ piece
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SIR HEKRY VANE, JUN'. 37I
•piete of good fenfe and of eloquence./ tHl$ writ-
ings on religious fubjefts are beheath cohtempt.
His behaviour on the fcaflFold was dignified and
noble, and he appears to have bedn executed
contrary to the word of his Sovereign.
' ' ' ■' ' '*
The following Letter addrefled to Lord Cla^
tendon is printed in Harris's " Life of Charles
« the Second."
** Hampton Court, Saturday,
** Two in thfc Afternoon.
** The relation that has been made to me of
** Sir Henry Vane's carriage yefterday in the
^ Hall *, is the occafion of this letter, which (iF
** I am rightly informed) was fo infolent, as to
^* juftify all he had done, acknowledging no fu-
** preme power in England but a Parliament,
*^ and many things to that purpofe. You have
" had a true account of all, and if he Has giveii
** new occajion to be hanged, certaynlye he is too
** dangerous a man to let live, if wfe caiihoheftly
" put him out of the way* Think of this, and
*' give me fome accounte of it to-morrowe, ^tifl
^* when I have nothing to fay to you. ^' C.^
Sir Henry oppofed the Proteftorate of Rich-
ard Cromwell, in the following fliort and impret
five fpeech ii^ theHoufe of Commons :
♦ Wcftmmftcr.HilL
n. ^ - BB 2 " One
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37* ^* HBWRY VAt^E, JtrN#
«« One would (faid he) bear a little vrith OU-
•♦ ver Cromwell, though, contrary to his oath of
** fidelity to the Parliament, contrary to his duty
** to the puhKc, contrary tp the refpeft he owed
** that veoerdbk. body firoi^ whom he received
^ his authority, he ufurped the government.
** His merit was fo extraordinary, that our judg-
♦* inents, our paflions, might be Winded by it,
•* He made his way to empire by the moll iUuf*
** trious aftions. He had under his command
** an army that had made him Conqueror, and
^ apcpple.that ha4 made Jiim their General.
** But a& for Richard Cromwell his fon. Who is
•* he£ What are, his titles? We have fee;n that
"» he h?d a fword by hi$ fide, but. Did he ^ver
" draw it ? and, what i^ of much more import-
" ance; in this cafe. Is he i^^t to get obedience
•* from * J^lghty nation who could never make
•* a footman obey him ? Yet. this man we mufl:
" recogmze under the title of Protedtor; a man
f^ wth^ut wprth, without courage, and without
^ conduft. For my part, Mr. Sppker^ it fhaU
** never be faid ^hat I made fuch a man my
*^m'after.'',
Pr^^Yoft Baillie, in one of hrs letters to his wife
in Scotland, thus deferibes Cromwell and Sir
Henry Vane f . 'M
*' They be of nimble hot fancies for to put all
" in confufion, but not of aiiy*deep reach. St»^
^ C Si ** John
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SIR IWNRY -VANl, JUN. 373
" Johnaad Pierpohtarfe more ftayed,biit not great
^' heads. Say and his ion not-— — aUbeit wifer,
" yet of fo dull, fouA and fearful a tempcra-
^' ^lent, that no great atchievement in reafoxi
*' could be expeded from them. The reft,
*• either in the Army or .in the Parliament of
*' their party, are not in their njyfteries, and of
^^ no great parts, either for counfel qr a£tion| as
" I could obferve/*
CHARLES PATIN,
This Frenchman,. Xon of the celebrated Gui
P^tin, was, in England in the year 1672. In
giving an account to the Margrave of Baden
Doiirlach of what he faw in Loni
he mentions having feen (upon
Parlemehty but which I fuppofe \<
Hall) the heads of Cromwell, Ix
fliaw. He fays :
" On ne fauroit les regarder fans palir^ et
" craigner qu*eUes vent jetter ces paroles epou*
** vantables : Feuples^ VetemiU rCexpiera pas
** notre attentat. Apprenez. a notre exemple^ que
*^ la vie des Rois ejl inviolable.*^
BB 3 <* One
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^74 CHARLES PATIN.
: " One cannot," lays 6c, " look upon thefe
** heads without horror, and without imagining
.** that they are juft going to pronounce thefe'
^ terrible words 2 People, eternity itfelf will not
** be able to expiate our oiFence. Learn by our
'^ examj^ that the life of Kings is inviokble/'
Charles Patin was a Phyfician, and ufed to lay
for the credit of his art, that it had enabled him to
live in perfeft health till he was eighty-two years
of age; that; it had procured him a fortune of
twenty thoufand pounds ; and that it had acquired
him the friendfliip and efteem of many very re-
fpedable and celebrated perfons.
' . Patin mentions in bis Travels a reply of z
German to a Frenchmanj who had taxed the
ng wine, and expoGng them-
:e of that vice; " Lej Jllemandfs
us dam leur vin^ (faid he,) rnaii
tmjours fous^^
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C 375 3 '^ "■ 5^ ',
LORD FAIRFAX.
Persons who have been the moft aftiVe in
promoting Revolutions in Kingdoms, have in
general, after their experience of the dangers
and miferies confequent upon them, been very
open in proclaiming them to the world. Lord
J^rfax, the celebrated Parliamentary General
in Charles the Firft's time, fays, in the Memoirs
that he left of the part which he took in thofe
times, of trouble and confufion, in fpeaking of the
execution of his Sovereign, ^* By this purging
" of the Houfe (as they called it), the Parlia*
** ment was brought into fuch a coilfumptive
** and languifliing condition^ that it could never
^ again' recover that healthful condition which
^' always kept the kingdom in its ftrength, life^
*r and vigour. This way being made by the
" fword, the trial of the King was the eafier
" for them to accomplifli. My afflided and
** troubled mind for it, and my eanieft en-
** deavours to prevent it, will, I hope, fuffi-
'^ ciently teftily my diflike and abhorrence of
'*. the faft. And what will they not do to the
^* Ihrubs, having cut down the cadar?"
. Lord Fairfax by no nieans confented to the
death of Charles the Firft, and was much fur-
9 B 4 prifed
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276 LORD FAiUFAX.
prifcd when Sir Thomas Herbert informed him
that the fatal ftroke had been given.
This nobleman made an offer to his Sovereign
of the affiftance of the Army. Charles replied,
that he had as many friends there as his Lord*
fhip. *
Lord Fairfajc told Sir Philip Warwick, who
was complimenting him upon the regularity an4
temperance of bis army, jthat the beft common
fipldiers he had came, out of the King's army,
and from the garrifons he had taken, " So,'*
added he, " I found you had made them good
^' foWkr«, and I have made them good men.'*
Accorditig to Sir Henry SKngiby's MS. Me^
, moirs, Lord Fairfex appears to have been once
in the moft imminent danger of his life, in the
iimwp^ pf 1642*
.' *V My Lord of Cumberland onie again fentow
•* Sir Thdmas Glenham to beat up Sir Thomas
\f^ Fairfisut's quarters at Wctterby. Command.
♦* ing out a party both of horfe and of dragoons,
" Sir Thomas comes clofe up to the town undif.
*♦ covered, a little before fun^rife. Prideaux
" and;fom$[ others .enter t\m town through a
^* b??k yard* This gave aa sjlarm quite through
** the
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•* the totm. Sir Thomas Fdrfex was at this
<^ jundure drawing on his boots to go to his
^* father at Tadcafterl Sir Thomas gets quickly
^ on horfebatk, draws out fome p&es, and fo
^ meets our Oentleman. Every one had his
** fliot^at Sir Thomas, he only making at them
^ with his £word, and fo retired under the guard
<^ of his own pikes to another part of the towiL'*
i;ORO KEEPER FINCH-
The following curious particulars restive to
the impeachment of Lord Keeper Ymch wieFt
copied by £ifhop Warburton from a MS. H^
tory of the Rebellion, found in a large v<^me^
all in Ijord Clarendon's hand-writing-, whidl
contains the private Memoirs of his own Life^
as well as the.publicvhiftory jhat Was eattrafted
from this volume. They form one of the many
pafiages which Lord Clarendon himfelf had
drawn his pen through, as not to be printed tt
part of the Hiftory of the Rebellion, and Wettg
prefented to the Compijlbr by the late leimed
and excellent Dr* Balguy, who received the <iopy
from fiiihop Warburton :
** It began now to be obferved, that ail the
♦* public profeffions of a general reformation, and
" redrefii
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;^yS, hOKp KEEPER: :Fl>fCHi
" r«sdrefs of all grievances the kingdom fuffcred
" under, were contrafted into a fliarp and ex-^
*' traordinary perfecution of one pierfon * they
** had. accufed of high treafqn, and within fome
*' bitter mention of the Archbifliop t i that there
' ojLight of difmiffing the two armies,^
re the capital grieyance and infup-
Durthen to the whole N^tlp^ J sgnd
id of queftioning others, who were
** looked upon as the caufes of greater mifchief
** than either of thofe they profeffed fo much
" difpleafure againft, they privately laboured by
** all their qfl5ce$ to remove all prejudice towards
*' them, at leaft all thoughts of profecution for
^ their traiifgreflions, and fo that they had
i* blanched all fliarp and odious- mention of Ship-
^* Money, becaufd it could hardly be touched
^* without fomerefteSion upon the Lord Keeper
*^ finch, who had a£led' fo odious a part in it,
," and who^ fince the meeting of the Great
^ Cotmcil at York, had rendered himfelf very
'** gracious to them, as a man who would faciK-
>*-iat© many things to them, and therefore. fit to
r5* be pre^ferved and protefted. Whereupon the
r** Lord Falkland took notice of the bufmefs of
>* Ship-Money, and very fharply mentioned the
***. Lord Finch as being the principal promoter of
*' it } and that, being a fworn judge of the Law,
'/: ♦ Lord Strafford. f Archbifcop Laud.
■ *^ he
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IX)RD KBEPElt flHCH. 379
^ he had not only given his judgment agamft
^< hw, hut had been the foUdtor to corrupt all
^^ the other Judges to concur with him in thek
<< opinion ; and concluded, that no man ongltt
*^ to be more feverely profecated than he. It
<< was very fenfible that the leading men were
(c much troubled at tbtis difcourfe, and defired to
" divert it ; fome of them propofing (in regard
** we had very much and great bufmefa upoa
** our hands ianeceffary preparation) we fliould
** not embrace too much together, but fufpend
^* the debate of Ship-Money for fome time, till
** we could be more vacant to purfue it, and fp
<« were ready to pafs to fome other matter,
** Upon which Mr. Hyde infifted upon wjiat the
•* Lord Falkland had faid, that this was a parti-
** cular of a very extraordinary nature, which
" ought to be examined without delay, becaufe
^* the delay would probably make the futurje
^ examination to no purpofej and therefore
f* propofed, that immediately, wbilft the Houfe
^* of Commons was fitting, a fmall Committee
f * might be appointed, who, dividing themfelves
♦* into the number of t\vo and two, might vifit
** all the Judges, and alk them apart, in the
** name of the Houfe, What meffages the Lord
** Finch (when he was Chief Juftice of the Court
^ of Common Pleas) had brought to them from
«♦ the King ii^ the bufinefs of Ship-Money ? and>
" Whether
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386 LORD DEEPER finch;
« Whether he had not foUcited them to give
^ judgment for the King in that cafe? Wiuch
** motion was fo generally approved of by the
^ Houfc, that a Comniittee of eight perfons
•« (hereof himfeif - was one} was prefently fent
^ out of the Houfe to vifit the feveral Judges,
^ moft whereof were at their Chambers ; and
•* Juftice Croke and fome other of the Judges
« (being fui'prifed with the queftions, and preffed
^ earneftly to make clear and categorical ahfwers)
^ ingenuoilfly acknowledged that the Chief JuC
*^ tice Fincix had frequently (whilft the matter
" was depending) earrieftly foKcited them to give
** their judgment for the King, and often ufed
«^ his Majefty's name to them, as if he expeded
** that compliance from them. The Committee
*' (which had divided themfelves to attend the
*^ feveral Judges) agreed to meet at a place ap-
*' pointed to tommunfcate the fubftance of what
•* they had been informed of, and agreed upoii
*< themethodof their report to the' Houfe, which
•* they could not make till the next morning, it
«' being about ten of the clock when they were
** fent out of the Hoiile.
^* That Committee was no fooner withdrawn,
^* (which confided of men of more temperate
^* fpirits than the Leaders were poffeffed with,)
•* but without any occafion given by any debate,
" or
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JtORD KEEPER FiNCQ. 3$^
*' dr ceherence with any thing prc^ofed or men-
^ tioned, an oWcure perfon inYcighcd battcrly
<( ^gaiikii the Archbifhop of Canterbury ; and
** there having been a very angry vote paffed the
*« HoUfe two (hys before, upon a fudden debate
*^ iqpon the Canons whkh had been made by
"the Convocation after the diffolution of the
** li^ Parliament (a leafon in which the Church
•* CQuld not reafonably hope to do any thing
** that would find acceptation) ; upon which de-
" bale they had declared, by a vote, that thofe
" C^ons were againft the Bang's prerogative,
** the fundamental laws of the realm, the liberty
** and property of the fubjeft, and that they con-
*' tained divers other things tending to fedition,
" and of dangerous confequence; Mr. Grimftone
" took occafion (from what was faid of the
** Archbifhop) to put them in mind of their vote
" upon the Canons, and faid, that the prefump-
** tion in fitting after the diffolution of the Par-
" liament, (contrary to cuftom, if not contrary
*' to law,) and the framing and contriving all
^ thefe Canons, (which contained fo much fedi-
** tion,) was all to be imputed to the Archbifhop;
*' that the Scots had required juftice againft him
** for his being a chief incendiary and caufe of
" the war between the two nations ; that this
•** kingdpm looked upon him as the author of
'^ all thofe innovations in the Church which were
, ; 5 " introdudUve
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385 tout) KtEPElt FlKClf.
" introdti£Uvc to Popery, and as a joint contrit^f
** with Lord StraflFord to involve the Nation in
•* flavcry; and therefore propofed, that he might
** be prefently accufed of high treafon, to the
♦* end that he might be fisqueftered from the
^ Council, and lio more repair to the prefence of
♦* the King (with whom he had fo great credit,
** that the Earl of Strafford himfelf could not do
** more mifchief by his councils and infufions).
^^ This motion was no fooner n^de but feconded
^^ and thirded, and found fuch a general accepta*
^ tion, that, without confidering that of all thd
** envious particulars whereof the Arcbhiihop
" flood accufed there was no onewhich amounted
" to treafon, they forthwith voted that it fhpuld
** be fo, and immediately promoted Mr. Grim*
*^ (tone to the meffage, who prefently went up
«*^ to the Houfe of Peers ; and being called on,
«^ he, in the name of all the Commons of Eng-
*' land, accufed the Archbifliop of Canterbury
*' of high treafon and other mifdemeanors, and
** concluded in the fame ftyle they had ufed in
** the cafe of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland*
** Upon which the poor Archbifhop (who ftoutly
** profeffed his innocence) was brought to the
*' Bar upon his knees, and thence committed to
" the cuftody of Maxxyell, the Gentleman Ulher
f« of the Black Rod, (from whence the Earl of
^* Strafford had been fent a few days before to
*« the
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LORD keYi^er hkch. 3^J
^ the Tower,) where he remained many months
•* before they brought in a particular charge
^ againft him.
" Notwithftanding which briflc proceeding;
•' againft the Archbilhop^ (when the Committee
" the next morning made their report of what
** the feveral Judges had faid concerning the
•* Lord Finch,) they were wonderfully indifpofed
^* tQ hear anything againft him ; and though
*^ many fpoke with great fharpnefs of him, and
** how fit it was to profecute him in the fame
^* manner and by the feme logic they had pro-
*^ ceeded with againft the other two, yet they
** required more particvlars to be formally fet
*^ down of his mifcarriage, and made another
^* Committee to take farther examination (in
^' which Committee Mr. Hyde likewife was) :
" and when the report was made, within a few
*' days, of feveral very high and imperious mif-
" carriages, (befides what related to the Ship- ,
" M9ney,) upon a motion made by a young
** Grcntloman of the fame family (who pretended
" to have received a letter from the Lord Keeper,
** in which he defired leave to fpeak in the Houfe
*' before they fhould determine anything againft
*^ him) J th^ debate was fufpended for the pre-
" fent, and leave given him to be there (if he
** pieafed) the next day ; at which time (having
.*' lil^ewife obtained a permiflion of the Peers to
« do
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394 X^^^ KBBMft FDrCH*
^ do vhat Im thought good for hhnfelf) he ap«
•* peared at the Bar of the Houfe of Commons,
^ and faid all he could for his own e^cufe (more
** m magnifying the fmcerity of his religion, and
^ how kind I^ had been to many Preachers
•* f whcwn he named, and] whom he knew were
** of precious memory with the unconformable
^ party); and concluded with a lamentable
^ fupplication for their mercy. It was about
•* nine of the clock in the morning when he went
•^ out of the Houfe (and when the debate could
*' no longer be deferred what was to be done
^ upon him) ; and when the fenfe of the Houfe
^ appeared very evidently (notwithftanding all
•^ that was faid to the contrary by thofc eminent
*^ perfons who promoted all other accufations
*« with the greateft fury) that he fhould be ac-
" cufed of high treafon in the fame form the
** other two had been, they perfifted ftill fo long
•' in the debate, and delayed the putting the
" queftion by frequent interruptions (a common
*' artifice) 'till it was twelve of the clodc; and
« 'till they knew that the Houfe of Peers was
*^ rifen (which they were likewife readily enough
** difpofed to, to gratify the K^eeper) ; and the
" queflion was put and carried in the affirmative,
** (with very few negatives,) and the Lord Falk-
** land appointed to carry up the acculation to
** the Houfe of Peers (which they knew he could
** not
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JOHN HAM^pBKi ^i$
^^ hot do 'till the next moming) j mi wfeepi he
'^ did i( the next mornixig, it appeared that the
*^ Lord Keeper had fent the Great 3eal the i^ght
<« before (to the King), and had newly with-
*^ drawn himfelf, and wa$ fooqi ^ter knowiji to
'' be in IJolland/^
JOHN HAMPDEl?.
Tiiie diftinguiflied perfon, according to Sir
iPhilip Warwick, who knew him well, was a mjai
of great and plentiful eftate, and of confiderable
ihtereft in his county ; of a regular life j and
had extetifive knowledge, both in fcholarfliip and
in the law (the effential ftudies for an Englifh
Gentleman). ^ He was,'* adds Sit Philip, " of
** a condfe and fignificant language, and the
^* politeft, yet fubtileft fpeaker of any man m
*^ the Houfe of Commons ; and had a dexterity
•* (when a queftion was going to be put which
** agreed not with his fenfe) to draw it over to it,
** by adding fome equivocal pr fly word, which
** would enervate the meaning of it as firfl put/*
D'Avila's Hiftory of the Civil Wars of France
was fo favourite a book with Mr* Hampden, thaf
it was called his Vade Mecum*
VOL* I. c c Xord
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2^6 JOHN HAMPDEN.
Lord Clarendon fays of him, " that after he
** was amongft thofe Members accufed by the
*^ King of High Treafon,he was much altered,his
*^ nature and carriage feeming much fiercer than
^* they did before ; and without queftion," fays
the noble Hiftorian, " when he firft drew his
** fword he threw away the fcabbard."
Mr. Hampden was one of the earlieft that were
in the field againft his Sovereign, and diftin-
guiflied himfelf very confiderably in an adtion at
Brill near Oxford, a garrifon belonging to the
King. He had foon afterwards the command of
a regiment of foot, under the Earl of Efiex ; and
had he lived, he would moft probably have been
Commander in Chief of the Parliament forces.
His great ambition feems to have been the ap-
pointment of Governor to the young Prince ;
for, as Sir Philip Warwick fays, " aiming at the
** alteration of fome parts of the Government,
^* (for at firft probably it amounted not unto a
*' defign of a total new form,) he knew of how
** great a confequence it would be, that the
*^ young Prince fliould have principles fuitable
** to what Ihould be eftablifhed as laws.*'
This fagacious Man difcovered the great ta-
lents of Oliver Cromwell through the veil which
coarfe manners and vulgar habits had thrown
over
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.JOHN HAMPDEN. 387
- bver theiti ; for (accdrding to Whitelbcke) Lord
Derby 'm going down the flairs of the Houfe of
: Commons with Mr. Hampden^ obferving CtotA-
well pafs by them, faid to Mr- Hampden, " WhD
*' is that fbven. immediately before us? He is
" on our fide,' I fee^ by his fpeaking fo warmly
^' to^ay;**— " That floven, as you are pkafed to
** call him j my Lord/* replied Hanipden, " that
** floven, I fay, if we were to come to a breach
*^ with the King, (which God forbid!) will be
** the greateli than in England */'
Clarendon fays, that Mr. Hampden carried
himfelf throughout the whole bufinefs of the
Ship-money with fuch Angular temper and ind-
defty, that he aftually obtained more credit and
advantage by lofing it, than the ^g did fervice
by gaining it t*
By
* So the fanguinary and penetrating Dlftator pf Rome
faw many Marii in young Julius Caefar trailing his gown
negligently along the ftreets of Rome, like a carelefs and
diflblut^ boy.
t " Noy the Attomey-General/Vfays Mr. Selden, in
his Table-Talk, ** brought his Ship-money firft for Mari-
** time Towns j but that w^s like putting in a little auger,
** that afterwards you may put in ^ greater. He that pulls
** down*the firft brick does the main bufinefs ; afterwarda
** ^tis cafy to pull down the wall They that firft would
** n6t pay the Ship-money till it was decided, did like brave
•* men." The fokmn decifion of a Court df Juftice is with
m in England as Utily the Law of the Land as an a£l of
c c 2 Parliament*
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388 JOHN HAMPD£ir.
By the kindnefs of the Marquis of BncKm(?-
HAM, the Compiler fe enabled to decorate this
Volume with two Letters and a Fac Simile of the
Ifand-writmg of this Great Maiu They muft
be pended by every EngBlhman with that re-
fpe£t with which he will behold, we tf uft, the
fhialleft relic of the ftrenuous, yet temperat6>
'Affertor of the Liberties of his Country *.
" GENTLEMEN,
*' The army is now at Northampton, moving
^' every day nearer to you. If you difband not^
^* wee may be a mutual fuccour each to other ;
*• but if you difperfe, you make yourfelves
** and the country a pray. You fhall heare
^' daily fro*
" Yo' fervant,
" 1. Hampden*
** Northampt.
" Oaob.31.
^* For Coll. BuLSTRODE, Capt. Gren-
" viLLE, CtJ^U Tykkell^ and C^.
^^ FDR
Parliament. Pafcal obferves very weD, " Uferott Ion qu^an
•* obeit aux ktx et aux coutumes parcequ^ elks font loix% et que k
•* />euple comprh que c*ejl la ce qui les rendjuftes. Par ce moyetf
*^ on ne lei qultterott jamais^ au lieu que quand on fcut depeudrt
<* kur jttftice ^ autre chofsy il eft aije dt la rendre douteufty ft
« voUa ce qui fait que Us peuples font fujets afe revolter.*^
* In fudi refpcd is the memory of Hampden ftill held
by his grateful countrymen, that fomc years ago, one of his
defcendants^
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iyi/fAmA/n-
armu u
7 ,
IJTLmfhn '. m oiu ru. • u
^cc.: ,j-^
Ol
f,
e a. 9
ac/lvf- ^(
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-^. PS^^
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}OifK 1»AMPD£2^ 389
«* FOR COLt. BULSTRODE, CAPT. GRENVIlXf,
" eAPf. TYRRELL, AND CAPTAIN WEST^
** OR ANY OF THEM *.
^Q wrote this iiKlofed letter yefterday, and
5* thought it would have come to you then, but
*' the meffenger had occafion to ftay till this
" morning. Wee cannot be ready to march till
*^ to-morrow, and then I believe wee (hall. I de-
** fire you would be pleafed to fend me againe,
*' as foon as you can, to the army, that wee may
** know what pofture you are in, and then you
** will hear wliich way wee go. You (hall do
*^ mce a favore to certify mee, what you hear of
<lefcendant8 b«ing deficient in an account of public moneys
lie was exonerated from the debt due to Government by an
A6k of Parliament, particularly expreffing t^at it was for
tbe fervicee his iUoftriods relation had done to hli roantry
that this mark of favour was ihewn to him.
* The perfons to whom thefe Letters are addrefled, conw
manded the Cavalry raifed in Bucks for the Parfiament.
The family of Bulftrode lived at Bulftrode^ now the Duke
of Portland's, and is long iincc cxtin6l.
The male lines of the family of Tyrrell, :cftaWiftied 9X
Thornton near Buckingham, and at Caftle Thoip near
Newport Pagndl, are Kkewife cxtin£l.
The family of Weft were eftabliAied at Long Crendoa
near Thame, but its property is fold.^ The prefent rc-
fpeAable Prefident (i) of the Royal Academy is defcended
from this branch.
Captain Grenville is the Great-Creat-Gfiuidfather of the
Marquis of Buckingham.
J^i) In 1795, Ben J. W£ST>Efq»
e Q 3 '^ ^1^
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39© JOHK HAMPDEKf
*^ the King's forces ; for I believe, your intdlif
*• g«ice is better from Oxford ai^d thofe part^
" than ours can be;
*« Yo' humble
*^ fervant,
"I. Hampden.
^* Northampt.
f< November i®
« 1642."
** Queen Eli2rabeth was entertained by Grit
<" fith Hampden, Efq. of Hampden, the anceftor
*' of John Hampden, Efq. in her progrefs. For
f^ the more convenient accefs to his houfe, he
*' cutt a paffage. through his woods (which is
** now called the Queen's Gap), There is
*' an ancient tradition, that King Edward the
** Third and the 31ack PrincjB were entertained
5* at Hampden, where the Prince and Mn
*' Hampden exercifing themfelves in feats of
** chivalry, they difagreed, whereupon Mr.
** Hampden ftruck the Prince on the face.
*^ They went away in a great wrath, upon
f* which came this rhyme :
<* Tring, Wing, and Ivinghoe i
«* Por ftriking of a blow,
<« Hampden did foregop,
** And glad he could efcape fo.'*
From MS. Collections for the County of
Bucks^ in the Bodleian Library.
Durinff
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JOHN HAMPDEN. 39 1
During the time in which Mr. Hampden was
engaged in the Civil Wars, he wore round his
neck an ornament, confiding of a fmall filver
chain, inclofmg a plain cornelian flone. Roun4
tile filver rim of ^e ftone was infcribedj
" Againft my King I never fight,
** Bvt for my King and Country'* right."
This interefting record of the fentiments of
that great man has been bequeathed to the Uni».
verfity of Oxford by the late Thomas Knight,
Efq. of Godmerfham Park, Kent.
A reprefenta^on of it is here fubjoined ;
The following Petition from the County of
Bucks to Charles the Firft, in favour pf their im-.
prifoned Member, is printed from d^ MS. in the
]Bodleiai> Library at Oxford :
c o 4 ^ TO
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39* John hampi:)EK,
** TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MA JEirifi
" THE HUMBLE PETITION Ot THE INHABIT-
" ANTS OF THE COUNtY OF. BUCKS:
^^ Sheweth, That your Petitioners having, by
^ virtue of your Highnes writ, cho^
** fen John Hampden, Efq. Knight
** for your Shire, in whofe loyaltie
** and wifdpme we his countrymen
^' and neighbours have 6Ver had
<« good caufe to confide, however of
** late, to our no lefs amazement
^* then grief, we find him, with other
^* Members of Parliament, accufed
^* of treafon. And having t^en to
" our ferious confideration the man-
^* ner of bis impeachment, we can-
*' not but under your Majeftie's fii^
** vour conceive, that it doth fo op-
^^ pugn the rights of Parliaments, to
^* the maintenance whereof our pro-r
*' teftation binds us, that we believe
*' it is the malice which their zeal to
** your Majefty's fervice, and the
^^ State have contrafted in the enei?
** mies to your Majefty, the Church,
^* and Commonweal, whlcji have oc-r
" cafidned thofe foul accufetions^ rar
" ther than any defert of theirs, whq
^' 4o likevrife through their fide?
^^ woun4
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JOHK HAMPDEN. 393
** tjrotind the judgment arid cares of
^* us your petitioners and others, by
** whofe choice they were prefented
^* to the Houfe.
^< Your Petitioners therefore moft
*' humbly pray, that Mr. Hamp*
** den, and the reft that lye under
** the burden of that accufation,
" may enjoy thejuft privileges of
^* Parliament.
*? And your Petitioners will
** ever pray.'^
AT THE COURT AT WINDSOR, 13th OF JAN,
164I.
*« .His Majefty being gradoufly pleafed to let
** all his fubjefts undetftand his care not (know*
^* ingly) to violate in the leaft degree any of the
^* privileges of Parliament, has therefore lately,
** by a meff^ge fent by the Lord Keeper, figni-
*^ fied that he is pleafed (becairfe of the doubt
^* that hath been raifed of the ina^iner) to wave
^« his former proceedings againft the faid Mr.
** Hampden and the reft mentioned in this Peti-
** tion, concerning whpm his Majefty fidth it
^* will appear that he had fo fufficient grounds
^^ to ^ueftion them J as he might not in juftice to
^^ the kingdom^ and hc^iour to himfel^ have
^* fprborn} and yet hh Majefty had much
^* ratjier
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394 JOHN HAMPDEN,.
*^ rather that the faid perfons fhould prove in*
*' nocent than be found guilty ; hotwfoever he
*^ cannot conceive that their crimes can in any
^' fort refleft upon thofe his good fubjefts, who
<f clefted tbpm t:p ferve in Parliament/*
As every fragment relating to this diftin»
guilhed Englifhman muft be interefting to hi^
grateful countrymen, the following Infcription,
written by him, a^d infcribe4 on his Wife's
IVIonumpit in Hampden Chi^fch, Bucks, is fub»
joined:
^^ To the eternal Memory
pf the truely
Vertuous and pious
Elizabeth Hampden, wife of John
Hampden, of Great Hampden, Efquier,
, Sole Daughter and Heir of Edward
Symeon, of Pyrton, in the County
of Oxon, Efq'. the tender Mother
of an happy oflfspring ia 9
HopefiiU Childreut
In her Pilgrimage
The ftate and comfort of her neighbours, :
The joy and glory of a well-ordered family ;
The delight and happinefs of tender Parents,
But a crowne of bjeilings to a Hufb^d*
In a wife, to all an eternal paterne of godenefs
and caufe of joye, whilft (he was.
In her Diffolution ,
a lof;
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JOHN HAMPDl^N. ^^^
a lofs invaluable to each, yet herfelf
jblefst, and they fully recompenced in her
tranflation from a tabernacle of claye
and fellowfliipp of Mortals, to a celeftial
Manfion and Communion with a Deity,
the ID day of Auguft, 1634.
John Hampden, her forrowfiiU
Hufband, in perpetual teftimony
of ^is conjugal love, hath dedicated
j:his Monument.*'
So little is known refpefting this iIluftriovR$
icharafter, that even the manner of his deat|i
has never been ^ifcertained ; fome perfonis fup-
pofing that he w^ wounded in the flioulder by
a fliot of the enemy; and others fuppofing that
|ie was killed by the burfting of one of his own
piftpls, with which his fon-in-law had prefented
t>{ die perfon of this honour to our country,
there is, I believe,, no reprefentation of which
we can be certsdn. The print of him in Hou-
braken's Heads of the Illuftrious Perfons of
England, is fuppofititious. An account of one
defed in his £ctce Sir Philip Warwick has pre^
jferved*.
The
♦ <* Mr, Hampden receiyed a hurt in his (houldcr,
f^ wlierepf \ic died in three or four days after; for his
<< blood
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39^ JOHN HAlfFDSir.
The laft male defcendant of his &inily always
declared, that the ivory buft of Mm was not an
aflual rq)refentation of his features, but com-
pofed by the memory and tradition of them.
The arms under it have this infcription, but too
well fuited in general to thofe who have the mif-
fortune to be engaged in civil wars :
Veftigia nulla retrorfum :
There i$ no poffibUity of returning.
The following account of the death of Mr.
Hampden was found on a loofe p^er in a book
bought out of Lord Oxford's coUedion, and
was kindly communicated to the CdM filer by
H. J. Pye, Eiq. the prefent Poet-Laureat, a li-
neal defcendant in the female line from that great
Aflertor of the Liberties of his Country :
** Two of the Harleys, and one of the Foleys,
** being at fupper with Sir Robert Pye, at Far-
^ ringdon Houie, Berks, in then* way to Here-
** fordfliire. Sir Robert Pye related tjie account
" of Hampden's death as follows : That at the
*« aftion of Chalgrave Ffcld his piftol burft, and
^ fhattered his hand in a terrible manner. He
*' however rode off, ami got to his quarters ;
^* but finding the wound mortal, he fejit for Sir
I* blood in his temper was acrimonious, as the fcurfe com-
^^ monly on his face fhewed.'*
iir Philip WAftwiCjtV MmtArs^
7 " Robert
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JOHK HAMP0EK. 39jr
^ Robert Pye, thoi a Cblonel in the Parlia-
** mcnt army 9 and who had married his [eldeftj
^daughter, and told him, that he looked oa
*^ him as iix fome degree acceflary to his death,
.** as the,piftob were a prefent from him. Sir
^^ Rdbert afiured him that he bought them in
** Riris of an .eminent maker, and had proved
^ them himfelf. It appeared, on examining the
^ other piftol, that it was loaded to the muzzle
^* with feveral fupemumerary charges, owing to
** the careleffnefs of a fervant who was ordered
** to fee the piftols were loaded every morning;
" which he did without drawing the formed
**^ charge.**
The King, ' on hearing of Mr. Hampden's be-
ing wounded at Oxford, defired Dr. Giles *,
who was a friend of Mr. Hampden, to fend to
inquire after him, as from himfelf ; and, adds
Sir Philip Waryrick, " I found the King would
*' have fent him,over any furgeon of his, if any
*' had been wanting ; for he looked upon his
** intereft, if he could gain his affedion, as a
** powerful means of begetting a right under-
*^ (landing between him and the two Houfes.'*
* Dr. GHeSy according; to Sir Philip Warwick, was a
near neighbour of Mr. Hampden's in Buckinghamihirei^
and being an opulent man had built himfelf a good parfon-
age-honfcy jn which tlrufture Mr. Hampden had ufed hit
Ofljom^
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5sf8 ]omt hAm!»i!>^k*
Ofbottl, in his « Advice to a Son/' fays, thirf
It was an obfervation of Mr. Haimpden, that t6
(peak laft at a conference is a gteat advantaged
" By this means," adds Ofbom, *' hfe was able
** to make him ftill the gaol keepeir of the party $
•^ giving his oppofites leifure to lofe thdr rea-
^ fons in the loud and lefs iignificant tempeft
<^ commonly arifmg upon a firil debate, in
** which if he found his fide worfted, he had
** the dextrous fagacity to mount the argument
** above the heads of the major part/ whofe fin*
*^ gle reafon did not feldom make tjie whole Par* .
*^ liament fo fufpicious of their own as to ap*
•* prove his ; or at leaft gave time for another
** debate, by which he had the opportunity to
** mufter up more forces. Thus by confound-
*' ing the weaker, and by tiring out the acuter
^ judgment, he feldom foiled to attain his
" ends.'*
SIR WILLIAM WALLER.
SirToby Matthews, in his coUedUon of Eng-^
Kfli Letters, has preferved the following letter of
Sir William Waller, before he took the com-*
paand of the forces of the Parliament againft
Charles the Firft.
. ' A LET-
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SIR WILLIAM WALLER, ^9
A LETTER OF SIR WILLIAM WALLER TO SIR
RALPH HOPTON, ANN. DOM. 1 643, IN THE
BEGINNING OF THE CIVIL WARS BETWEEN
CHARLES THE FIRST AND THE PARLIA-
MENT.
" SIR,
*^ The experience which I have had of your
«* worth, and the happineffe which I have en-
*^ joyed in your friendfhip, are wounding confi-
*' derations to me, when I look upon this pre-
«« fent diftance between us. Certainly, Sir, my
^ aflfeftions to you are fo unchangeable, that
** hoftilitie itfelf cannot violate my friendfhip to
" your perfon j but I mud be true to the caufe
*^ wherein I ferve. The old limitation of u/q,
" ad aras, holdeth ftill ; and whefe my con-
^' fcience is interefted, all other obligati^ttiSP are
** fwallowed up. I (hould wait on you, accord-
** ing to your delire, but that I look on you as
" engaged in that partie beyond the poffibility
" of retreat, and, confequentlie, uncapable of
** being wrought upon by anie perfwafion ; and
** I know, the conference could never be fo
*' clofe betwixt us, but it would take wind, and
*^ receive a conftruftion to my difhonour. That
** Great God, who is the fearcher of all hearts,
*^ knows, with what a fad fear I go upon this
** fervice, and with what perfed hate I deteft a
^' war without an enemie. But I look upon It
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406 SIR WILiiAM WALLBR.
** as opus Dominiy (the work of the Lord,) which
•* is enough to filence all paffion in me. ITief
** God of Peace fend us in his good time the
*^ bleffing of peace ; and in the mean time fit
** us to receive it. We are both on the ftage,
** and muft aft thbfe parts that are affigned to
*^ us in this tragedy ; but let us do it in the
** way of honour, and without perfonal aiii-
*' mofitie. Whatever the iffue of it be, I ftall
^ never refign that dear title of
*^ Your moft aflfedionate friend,
" and faithful fervant,
^^ WiLt. Waller.
« Bath, idjunii 1643."
In .Sir WilUam's « Vindication'* of himfeM;
lately publifhed, he thus defcribes the ftate of
Eng^ftd at the end of the Civil War, after the
boafted improvements that w«e fuppofed to have
been made in the Government of it !
" To be ihort, after the expence of fb mpch
" blood and trcafure, all the difference that can
*' be difcerned between our former a^ pfefent
^* eftate is this: That before time, under the
^^ complaint of a flavery, we lived lik$ freemen 5
** and now, under the notion of a freedom, we
" live like flaves, enforced by continual taxes
"and oppreflions to maintain, and feed, our
" own mifery. But all this muil be borne with
** patience,
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sHt WILLIAM waller; 4roir
^ patieAce, as in order to a ref6rina:ti6n, of
** which there cannot be a birth expefted m rea-
•^ fon without fonie pain tod travaiL I deny not
^* but poffibly fome things in the frame of our
" State might be amifs, and in a condition fit to
** be refoianed* Btit is there no mean between
" the tooth-ache and the plague? between i
** fore finger and a gangrene ? Are we come to
*^ Afclepiades's opinion, that every diftemper is
" the pofleflion of the Devil? that nothing but
" extreme remedies, nothing but fire and fword;
** and conjuring could be thought upon to help
** us ? Was there no way to effeft this without
'^ bruizing the whole kingdom in a mortar, and
** making it into a new pafle ? TIjofe diforders
*' and irregularities which through the corrup-
*' tion of time had grown up amongft us, might
** in procefs of time, have been well reformed,
*^ with a faving to the prefervation and confift-
** ency of our flourifhing condition. But the
^^ unbridled inlblence of thefe men hath torii
** our heads from our fhoulders, and difmem-
*^ bered our whole body, not leaving us an eri-
** tire limb. Inque omni nufquam corpore corpus.
^ Like thofeindifcreet daughters of Peleus^ they
*' have cut our throats to cure us. Inftead of
** reforming, they have wiped though not yet
•* cleanfed the kingdom, according to that ex-
•* preflion in the fcriptures, as a man wifeth a
** difl) and turneth it upfide dwm'^
VOL. I. D 0 Siy
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4^2 SIR WllXIAM WALl^Eii..
Sir WiHiam was buried in th^ Abbey Church
Sit Bath, under a very fuperb monument *ith his
effigies upon it. The tradition current in that
city is, that when James the Second vifited the
Abbey, he defaced the nofe of Sir William upon
his monument : there appear, however, at pre-
fent no traces of any disfigurement.
At the end of the " Poetry of Anna Matilda,'*
i2mo. 1788, are *' RecoUeftions'* of this great
General, in which he feems, with an opennefs
arid an ingenuoiifnefs peculiar to himfelf, to lay
open the ihmbft receffes of his heart, and to dif-
clofe in the moll humble and pious manner his
frailties and his vices, under the article " Father-
" like Chaftil'ements/* He fays, *' It was juft
" with God, for the punifliment of my giving
" way to the plunder of Winchefter, to permit
" the demolition of my houfe at Winchefter.
*' My prefiimption upon my own ftrength and
" former fuccefles was juftly humbled at the
" Devizes by an utter defeat, and at Croperdy
*' with a diftionourable blow. This,'' adds Sir
William, fpeaking of his defeat at Croperdy,
" was the moft heavy ftroke of any that did ever
*' befall nv5. Gener^ Eflex had thought to
" perfuade the Parliament to compromife with
" the King, which fo inflamed the zealous, that
," they moved that the command of their army
*' might be beftowed upon me; but the news
6 . , '' of
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filR WlLhlAM WALLER. , 40^
** of this defeat arrived whilft they werie deliw
** berating on my advancement, and it was to
" me a double defeat. I had nearly funken under
^^ the afHiftion, but that I had a deare and i
*^ fweet comforter j and I did at that time prove
** according to Ecclefiafticus, chap, xxvi* A vir^
** tuous woman rejoicetb her bujbandt as the fun
*' when it arifeth in the high heaven^ fo is the
" beauty of a good wife. Verfe i6.'*
Sir William in the conclufion of this very cu*
nous and valuable little work, in what he icalls
his " Daily Direftory/' has thefe refle£Uons :— ^
** Every day is a little life, in the account whereof
** we may reckon our birth from the wombe of
" the morning j our growing time from thence
*^ tonQon(whenwe are as the fun in his ftrength);
** after which like a fliadow that declineth, we
** haften to the evening of our age, till at laft
•* we clofe our eyes in fleep, the image of death;
** and our whole life is but this tale of a day
** told over and over. I ihould therefore fo
** fpend every day, as if it were all the life
** I had to live j and in purfuance of this end,
*^ and of the vow I have made to walke with
<< God in a clofer communion than I have
** formerly done, I would endeavour, by hid
*^ grace, to obferve in the courfe of my remain-
" ing fpann, or rather inche of fife, this daily
^* dircftory:
D D a ** To
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404 SIR WILLIAM WALLER*
*' To awake with God as c^rly as I can, and
" to confecratc the firft-fruits of my thoughts
*^ unto him by praier and meditation, and by
*' renewed afts of repentance, that fo God may
** awake from me, and make the habitation of
" my righteoufnefs profperous. To this end I
" would make it my care to lye down the night
** before in the peace of God, who hath pro-
** mifed that his commandment fhall keep me
^' when awake, otherwife it may be juftly feared
*^ that thofe corruptions that bid me laft good*
** night will be ready to give me firft good to-
** morrow."
" Sir William Waller," fays Sir Philip War-
wick, who knew him perfonally, " was a gen-
*' tleman of courage and of parts, and of a ciyil
^^ and ceremonious behaviour. He held a gain-
*♦ ful farm from the Crown of the butlerage and
" prffage of wines j but upon a quarrel between
** him and Sir Thomas Reynolds, a courtier,
" who had an intereft in the farm of the wine
" licences, upon whom Waller having ufed his
*• cudgel, and being cenfured and fined for it in
** the Star Chamber, and having a zealous lady,
" who ufed to call him her man of God, he eni
*' gaged on the Parliament fide/'
This great leader of the Parliamentary forces,
in his " RecoUeflions," pays the following tri-
bute
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SIR WILLIAM WALLER, 405
bute of regard to the exertions and tendernefs gf
his wife;
" I have been," fays he, " in prifons frequent^
^ feized upon by the army, as I was going to
*' difcharge my duty in the Houfe of Commons,
*' and, contrary to priviledg of Parliament, mado^
** a prifoner in the Queen's Court ; from thence
" carried ignominioufly to a place under the
" Exchequer called Hell, and the next day to
" the King's Head in the Strand j after, fmgled
*' out, (as a Iheep to the flaughter,) and removed
" to St. James's ; then fent to Windfor Caftle,
'^and remanded to St. James's againe; laftly
" toffed, like a ball, into a fl;range country, to
^^ Denbigh Caftle in North Wales^ remote from
^* my relatione and interefts, After abpve three
" years imprifonment, and thus being changed
" as itt were from veffel to veflel, itt pleafed the
*' Lord to turne my captivity, and to reflore me
^' to the comforts of my poore family again*
** And here let me call to mind how much rea-
" fon I h^d to be thjinkfyl to Him who chafteneth
" thofe whom he loveth, for the great confola-
♦' tion experienced in the dear partner of- my
" captivity. She came to me difguifed in mean
*^ apparel, when I had groaned in my bonds^feven'
*' months, thinking it the duty of a wife to rifke
^ all things for the fatisfaAion of her hufbaitd.
*^ Much difficulty had (he- in commingj-and was
_ D p 3 " frec^ueqc
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4g6 ftIR WILLIAM WALLER.
t* frequent dn the brink of being difcovered ;
^^ but at length, over mountains and unknown
** roads, fometimes with a guide and fometimes
^* with none, fhe arrived att my prifon ; an^
** {he feemed, when fhe difcovered hcrfelf to me,
** to be like the Angell who appeared unto Peter
** in like circumftances. She did not, indeed,
** bid my prifon-gates fly open, but by her fweete
** converfe and behaviour fhe made thofe things
^f feem light which were before heavy, and fcarce
*^ to be borne. I mufl ever acknowledg itt alfo
«« a very great mercy, that being fo long fubjeft
** to fo great a malice, armed with fo great power^
** I was not given as a prey to their teeth ; and
** that after all the indeavours that were ufed to
** finde out matter of charge againfl me, I came
" oflF with an intire innocency, not only uncon*
f* demnedy but unaccufed.'*
LIEUTENANT. COLONEL JOYCE.
Lilly, in the Hiftory of; his Life and Timef ,
fays, ** The next Sunday after Charles the Firfl
f* was beheaded, Robert Spavin, Secretary to
** Oliver Crom\yell, invited himfelf to dine wirfi
•* me, and brought Anthony Peirfon, and feveral
^^ others, along with him to dinner } and that
■ *' the
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X-IEUTENANT-COLONEL JOYCE. 407
" the principfil difcourfe at dinner was only. Who
" it was that beheaded the King ? One fsdd it
^* was the common hangman ; another, Hugh
** Peters ; others alfo were nominated, but none
" concluded. Robert Spavin, fo foon as dinner
*^ was done, took me by the hatid, and carried
*' me to the fouth window. Thefe are all mif.
•^ taken, faith he ; they have not named the man
** that did the f^ft. It was Lieutenant-^Colonel
^* Joyce. I was in the room when he fitted him-
" felf for the work, flood behind him when he
*^ did it, when done went in agaih with him.
** There is no man knows this but my mailer
*' Cromwell, Commiffary Ireton, and my felf.— r
" Doth not Mr, Rufliworth know it ? quoth L
" No ; he did not know it, faid Spavin. The
** fame thing,'* adds Lilly, " Spavin fince had
*' often related unto me when we were alone.'*
Colonel, then Cornet Joyce fei;?;ed upon the
perfon of the King at Holmby ; and when his
Majefty required him to fliew him his commiffion^
Joyce pointed to the foldiers that attended him. —
" Believe me, S^r," replie4 Charles, '^ your in*
^' ftrudions are written in a very legible characr
<' ter." The King feeing Lord Fairfax and
Cromwell foon afterwards, aiked them, Whether
they had commiflioned Joyce to remove him to
Royflon, where the quarters of the army then
DD4 were?
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4o8 SIR HENRV SLlNOSB'5^, BART.
were ? They affeft^ to deny it. " I will not
** believe you/- replied Charles, ^^ unlefs you
*' hang up Joyce immediately/*
SIR HENRY SLINpSSY, Bart;
This Gentleman, who yvas ^ moft decided
Royalift, wrote " Commentaries of the CivJl
« Wars, from 1638 to 1(548." They are ftill
in MS. and by the kindnefs of a learned ^nd inr
genious friend, James Petit Andrews, Efq. a
few curious extrads from them are permitted tfi
have a place in thefe Volumes.
The beginning of the Civil Wars is thus par
thetically defcribed by Sir Henry :
** The third of January 1639, 1 went to Bram-
«* ham Houjfe, out of curiofity, to fee the training
^* of the Light Horfe, for which fervice I had fent
" two horfes by commandment of the Lieute-
*^ nant^ and Sir Jjfcob Afliley, who is lately come
" down, with fpecial commiffion from the King,
*' to train and exercife them. Thefe are ftrange
♦ Sir Henry was one of the Deputy Lieutenants of the
County of Yarkf and Member 0/ Paili^unent for Knaref-
horough.
" fpeftacles
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, SIR HENRY SLINGSBY, BART* 4^9
** fpeftaeles to this Nation in this age, that ha$
^' lived thus long peaceably^ without noife of
^* drum or of (hot, and after we have flood
*^ neuter, and in peace, when all the world be*
^' fides bath been in arms. Our fears proceed
*^ from the Scots, who at this time are become
. ** moft warlike, being long experienced in tht
." SwedUh and German wars, The caufe of
^^ grievance they pretend is matter of religion* .
?* I had but a fhort time," adds Sir Henry,
^ of being a foldier j it did not |aft above fi?c
** weeks. I like it, as a commendable way of
*^ breeding for a Gentleman, if they confort
^* themfelves with fuch a§ are civil, and if the
f * quarrel is la^fuU. For a§ idleriefs is the nurfe
" of all evil, enfeebling the parts both of body
5* and mind, this employment of a foldier is
" contrary unto it, and fliall greatly improve
f^ them, by enabling the body for labour, and
** the mind for watchfulnefs ; and fo by a con-
*5 tempt of all things, (but that employment
" they are in,) they ftiall not much care how
f^ hard they lie, or how hardly they fare/*
At the defeat of the King^s troops near Chefter,
which Charles faw from one of the towers of that
city, Sir Henry exclaims :
•^ Here I do wonder at the admirable temper of
f < the i^ing, whofe cpnitancy was fuch, th^t no
^' pente
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41 0 SIR HENRY SLIKGSBY, BART,
** perils ever fo unavoidable could move him to
•* aftonifhment, but that (HU he fet the fame face
** and fettled countenance upon whatfoever ad-
•* verfe fortune befell him, and neither was he
•* exalted by profperity, nor dejefted by adver-
•* fity ; which was the more admirable in him,
♦* feeing he had no other to have recourfe unto,
** but muft bear the whole burthen upon his
*^ own fhoulders.'*
<« On the eleventh of May 1646/' continues
Sir Henry, " I was commanded by the King
*^ to return home. After taking leave of his
** Majefty, 1 went to Newborough, where my
*' daughter was ia the houfe with my brother
*^ Belafyfe; and^ after a few days reft, cam^
** home to Red Houfe. But fince, from York,
** they have laid wait for me, to take me, and J
*' have efcaped them, I take myfelf to one room
*' in my houfe, fcarce known of by my fervants,
*« where I fpend many days in great filence,
•' fcarce daring to fpeak, or to walk, but with
" great heed, lefl I be difcovered.
** Jam vefiiet tacito curva feneBa pede.
•• Why I fliould thus be aimed at, I know not,
** if my neighbourhood to York makes them not
•« more quarrelfome. My difpofition is to love
<* quietneft } and fmce the King willed me to go
^* home.
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Sm HENRY SLIKOSBY, BART. 4II
*^ home, I refolved indeed to keep home, if the
« Lord Mayor of York, Alderman Watfon,
*'' would have permitted me quietly to live there ;
** but they will not fufFer me to have the benefit
^^ of the Articles of Newarke, which givc$ us
" liberty of three months to live undifturbed.
^^ But they fend from York to take me rathet the
^' firft month, and all this is to try me with the
*^ negative Oath and national Covenant : the one
<^ makes me renounce my allegiance, the other
*^ my religion,
^^ For the oath, why it Ihould be impofed
** upon us not to affift the King, (when all
" means are taken from us whereby we might
^' affift him,) and not to bear arms in this war,
^^ which is now come to an end, an4 nothing in
« all England held for the King, I fee no rea-
f* fon, unlefs they would have us do a wicked
*« aft, and they, the authors qf it, out of a
" greater fpite, to wound both foul and body.
** For now the not taking of the oath cannot
** much prejudice them, and the taking of it will
^* much prejudice us, being contrary to fornwr
** oaths which we have taken, and againft ci^
f * juftice, which, as it abhors neutrality, will nat
'^ admit that a man ihould falfify that truth which
*' he hath given.'*
€€
As
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4Xa 'SIR H5NILY SLINGSBY, BART,
** As for the Covenant which they would
** have me take, there is firft reaTon that I
** fliould be convinced of the lawfuflnefs of it
** before I take it, and not urged, as the Maho^
** metans do their difcipline, by force, and hot
** by reafon. For by this new religion which is
•* impofed upon nis, they make every man that
<* takes it^ guilty either of having no religion,
^* and fo becoming an atheift, or elfe a religion
*^ put on and put oflF, as he doth his hat to
every one he meets*
u
" Meantime, to keep out of their hands, I am
*** deprived of my health, as wanting liberty to
'** enjoy the frefh air j for keeping clofe in one
'** room, without air, did ftifle the vital fpirits,
-** and meeting with a crazy body, did very
'*• much diftemper me/'
Sir Henry thus concludes his Commentaries :
" Whilft I remained concealed in my own
** houfe, I hear the Parliament began to treat
** with the Scots, to have the King return -
^* tack unto them, making fhow that they
'*' would give him an honourable reception.
^ I could hear of the King's going to Holm-
** by, to Hampton-court, the Ifle of Wight,
" to Whitehall, and ^t length, upon his laft
" day,
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MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 413
** day, upon the thirtieth of January 1648,
*« I hear-r-
*« tieu mihi, heu mihi : quid humani perpejji fumus P*
" Thus I end thefe Commentaries, or Book of
*' Remembrance/'
MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.
This Nobleman feems to have been no Ief»
difUnguifhed for the ingenuity of his mind than
for his courage. He wrote a little book intitled^
** A Century of the Names and Scantlings of
" fuch Inventions as at prefent I can call to
*' mind to have tried and perfefted, which (my
" former Notes being loft) I have, at the in-
*' ftance of a powerful Friend, endeavoured now
^^ (the year 1655) to fet down in fuch. a way as
" may fufBciently inftruft me to put any of
**-^them in praftice.'*
His Book is addreffed to the King and the
Members of both Houfes of Parliament. In ^
Dedication he thus nobly and patriotically e»-
preffes himfelf :
** And the way to render the King to be feared
^' abroad is to content his people at home, who
^* thea
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414 MARqyiS OF WORCESTER*
<^ then with hand and heart are ready to affift
*' hun; and whatfoever God bleffeth me with
" to contribute towards the increafe of his reve-
** nues in any confiderabie way, I defire it may
*' be employed to the ufe of his people ; that is^
^* for the taking off fuch taxes or burthens from
*' them as they chiefly grone under, and by a
*' temporary neceflity only impofed upon themj
** which being then fupplied, will certainly beft
•* content the Eng and fatisfie his people, which
** I dare fay is the continual tenor of all your
** indefatigable pains, and all the perfed demon-
•' ftrations of your zeal to his Majefty, and an
♦* evidence that the kingdom's truft is juftly and
•* dcfervedly repofed in you.**
' That moft ufeful and exquifite invention of
the fleam engine is aifuredly hinted at in the
following feftion : ^
** jLXvn* An admirable and moft forcible
" way to draw up water by fire, not by drawing
** or fucking it upwards (for that muft be, as
** the Philofopher calleth it, intra fpharam adi-
** viidtisj which is but at fuch a diftance). But
♦* this way hath no bounder if the veffels be
^ ftrong enough j for I have taken a piece of a
** whole cannon, whereof the end was burft,
*' and filling it three quarters full of water,
<« flopping and fcrewing up the broken end, as
^ alfo
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MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 41 J
** alfo the touch-hole, and making a conftant
** fire under it, withia tyenty-four hours it
** burft, and made a great crack ; fo that hav-
** ing a way to make my veflels fo that they
" are ftrengthened by the force within them,
** and the one to fill after the other, I have
** feen the water run like a conftant fountain
^* ftream forty foot high. One veflel of water^
** rarified by fire, driveth up forty of cold
** water ; and a man that tends the work is but
^* to turn two cocks, that one veflel of water
^* being confumed, another begins to force, and x
** to refill with cold water, and fo fucceflively, ''
** the fire being tended and kept conftant^ which
*^ the felf-fame perfon may likewife abundantly
*^ perform in the interim between the neceflity
*' of turning the faid cock */'
* " Spare mc not, my Lords and Gentlemen,'^ fays this
illuilrious Nobleman, in his Dedication to his Scantling of
Inventions, " in what your wifdoms (hall find me ufeful,
*« who do efteem myfelf, not only by the AA of the water-
*< commanding engine, (which fo chearfully you haye
^* paffed,) fufficiently rewarded, but likewife with courage
** enabled me to do ten times more for the future ; and my
** debts being paid, and a competency to live according to
<< my wiih and quality fettled, the reft I (hall dedicate to
** the fervice of our King and Country, by your difpofals ;
" and efteem me not the more, or rather any more, by what
*« is paft but what is to come ; profeffing reaUy, from, my
"** heart, that my intentions are to out-go the fix or feven
** thoufand pounds alrcfady facrificed."
Two
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4J6 marquis of WORCESTER^
Two of the Inventions of the Marquis feeih
to be of moft eminent utility*
^ XXXII. How to compofe an univerfal cha-
•* rafter, methodical, and eafy to be written, yet
^ intelligible in any language, fo that if an En-
•* glifhman wrote it in Englifhj^ a Frenchman^
•* Italian; Spaniard, Irifhman, Welchman, (being
•• Scholars,) yea, Grecian, or Hebrew, fhaU as
*' perfeftly underfland it, in their own tongue,
^* as if they were perfect Englifb, difUnguifhing
•* the verbs from nouns, the numbers, tenfes,
^ and cafes, as properly exprefled in their own
*^ lan^juage, as if it was written in Engliih/'
** Lxxxiv. An inftrument*, whereby per*
** fons ignorant in Arithmetic may perfedly ob-
*' ferve numerations and fubftraftions of all
** fums and fraftions/'
The following anecdotes of this illuftrious
Nobleman, no lefs the loyal fubjeft of his Sove-
reign than the defender of the liberties of the
People, are taken from a very fcarce little book
intitled, " Worcefter's Apophthegmata, or
*^ Witty Saymgs ' of the Right Honourable
" Henry (late) Marquis of Worcefter. By
* An inftrument of this kind was made a ^ew years aftcr^.
wards by the learned and excellent Pafcal, who calk it» <^ ttnf
** machine aritbmetiqtie.** Set Oeuvns Je TazCau
« S.B.
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MARQIJIS OF WORCESTER. 417
** S. B. a conftant Obferver, and no lefs Ad-
<* mirer, of his Lordfhip's Wifdom and Loy-
«^ alty/*
APOPHTH. V.
« When the King (Charles the Firft) had'
** made his repaire to Raglon Caftle ♦, a feat of
** the Marquifs of Worcefter's, between Mon-
** mouth and Abergavenny, after the battell of
*''Nafeby; taking occafion to thank the Mar-
" quifs for fome monies lent to his Majefty, the
*' Marquis returned his Majefty this anfwer: —
** Sir, I had your word for the money, but I '
•' never thought I fhould be fo foon repayed j
*^ for now you have given me thanks, I have all
^ I looked for/'
APOPHTH. VI.
*' Another time the King came unto my Lord
^ and told him, that he thought not to have
** flayed with his Lordfhip above three day^, but
•* his occalions require his longer abode with
** him, he was willing to eafe him of fo great a
•' burthen, as to be altogether fo heavy a charge
** unto him ; aiid confidering it was a garrifon,
** that his provifions might not be fpent by fo
* <* The King marched from Hereford to Ragland
" Caftle, belonging to the Earl of Worcefter, very ftrong
" of jtfelf, and beautiful to behold. Here the King con-
** tinued three weeks."
Mr Henry Sliscsbt^it MS> Memotrs,
VOL. I. E E ** great
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41 8 MARQUIS dP WORCESTER.
" great ^ preffure, he was willing that his Lord-
** fliip fliould have power given him to take what
" provifions the country would afford for his
" prefent maiiltenance and recruit; to which
" his Lordftiip made this reply: I humbly thank
" your Majefty, but my Caftle will not ftand
^' long if it leanes upon the countrey. ' I had
** rather be brought to a morfel of bread, than
^^ any morfels of bread fhould be brought me to
" entertain your Majefty/'
APOPHTH. XIV.
" The Marquifs had a mind to tell the King
^' (as handfomely as he could) of fome of his
" (as he thought) faults ; and thus he contrives
" his plot. Againft the time that his Majefty
'' was wont to give his Lordlhip a vifit, as he
" commonly ufed to do after dinner, his Lord-
** Ihip had the book of John Gower lying be-
" fore him on the table. The King cafting his
'^ eye upon the book, told the Marquifs that he
" had never feen it before. Oh, faid the Mar^
" quifs, it is the book of books, which if your
" Majefty had been well verfed in, it would
" have made you a King of Kings. ^US[hy fo,
" my Lord? faid the King. Why, faid the
*^ Marquifs, here is fet down how Ariftotle
** brought up and rnftrufted Alexander the
*•' Great in all the rudiments and principles be-
** longing to a Prince. And under the perfons
" of Alexander and Ariftotle he, read the King
"fuch
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MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 419
^' fuch a leffon, that all the ftanders-by were
^' amazed at the boldnefs ; and the King, fup-
*' pofmg that he had gone further than his
" text would have given him leave, aflced the
^^ Marquifs if he had his leflbn by heart, or whe-
" ther he fpake out of the book. The Marquifs
" replied, Sir, if you could read my heart, it may
*' be you may find it there ; or, if your Majefty
** pleafe to get it by heart, I will lend you my
*' book ; which latter proffer the King accepted
^' of, and did borrow it. Nay, faid the Marquifs,
^* I will lend it to your Majefty upon thefe con-
*• ditions: firft, that you read it ; fecondly, that
*' you make ufe of it. But perceiving how that
" fome of the new-made Lords fretted and bit their
" thumbs at certain paflages of the Marquifs's
" difcourfe, he thought a little to pleafe his Ma-
" jefty, though he difpleafed them the more,
*' who were fo much difpleafed already. Pro-
*' tefting unto his Majefty, that no one was fo
" much for the abfolute power of a King as
*' Ariftotle ; defiring the book out of the King's
** hand, he told his Majefty, that he could fliew
** him a remarkable paflage to that purpofe,
** turning to that place that has this verfe :
•* A King can kill, a King can fave,
" A King' can make a Lord a Knave j
" And of a Knav'C a Lord alfo,
*^ And more than that a King can do.
E E 2 ** There
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416 MAJK^urS OF WORCESTEIU
•* There were then divers new made Lords mba
** flirtink out of the room ; which the King ob-
** fervihg, told the Marquifs, My Lord at Ais
*' rate you will drive away all my Nobility. The
" Marquifs replyed, I proteft imto ypur Majefly,
** I am as new a made Lord as any of them all j
** but I was never called knave and rogue jfo
*' much in all my life as I have been fmce I re-
'' ccived this laft honour, and why ihould not
** they bear their fhares?*'
.*' Speaking of the antient Houfe of Peers^^
** that were nearly melted with the Hoiife of.
** Commons during the civil wars, without con-
" fequenee and without weight, he faid. Oh,
** when the nobleft and higheft element courts
*' the noife of the waves^ (the trueft emblem of
*• the madnefs of the people,) and when the
** higheft region ftoops unto the lower, and the
** loweft gets into the higheft feat, what can be
** expefted but a chaos of confufion and diflb-
** lution of the univerfe ? I do believe that they
^ are fo near unto their end, that as weak as i
** am, there is phyfic to be had, if a man could
^ find It, to- prolong my days, that I might out-
•* live theij- honours/*
" Whilft he was under the cuftody of the
^ Black Rod, for his loyalty to his Sovereign,
" and the refiftance that he made to the forces of
9 *« the
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MARQpiS OF WORCESTER. 42 1
^ the Parliament, he laid to a friend of his one
*' day, Lord blefe us, what a'fearfuU thing was
^^ this Black Rod when I heard of it at firft ! It
*' did fo run in my mind, that it made an afflic*
^ tion out of mine own imaginations ; but
** when I fpoke with the man, I found him a
** very civil gentleman, but I faw no black rod.
*' po, if we would not let thefe troubles and ap-
** prehen/ions of ours be made worfe by our
^^ own apprehenfions, no rods would be black.**
*' When he was told upon his death-bed that
^ leave was given by the Parliament that he
** might be buried in Windfpr Caftle, where (as
*' the Editor of the Apophthegms fays) there
** is a peculiar vault for the family within the
** great Chapel, and wherein divers of his an-
*^ ceftors lie buried, he cried out with great
*' fprightlinefs of manner. Why God blefs us
^' all ! why then I Ihall have a better caftle whefn
** I am dead, than they took from me whilft I
" was alive/^
Dr, Baylie, Dean of Wells, publiflied in 1649
•* The Conference 5 or. Heads of a Xi^lonverfatioii
** between the late Charles the Firft and the
^* Marquis of Worcefter, concerning the Ca*
♦^ tholics and Proteftants, that took place when
« the King was at Raglon Caftle in 1646.'^ The
Marquis bei»g a Catholic of courfe exalted the
E P 3 -^ deci*
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422 MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.
decifions of the Church 'above the conclufions
of reafon ; and in one part of the Conference
the dialogue proceeded thus 2
*^ Marqui/s. -^Y our Majefty has forgotten the
monies which came unto you from unknown
hands, and were brought unto you by uiv.
known faces, when you promifed you would
never forfake your unknown friends. You
have forgptten the miraculous bleflings of the
Almighty upon thofe beginnings ; and how
you difcountenanced, diftrufted, and difre-
garded, aye and difgraced the Catholiques all
along, and at laft vowed an extirpation of
them. Doth not your Majefty fee clearly
how that in the two great battailles, the North
and Nafeby, God fhewed figns of his dif-
pleafure? When in the firft, your enemies
were even at your mercy, confufion fell upon
you, and you loft the day ; like a man that
fliould fo wound his enemies that he could
fcarce ftand, and afterwards his own fword
fhould fly out of the hilt, and leave the ftrong
and fldllfuU to the mercy of his falling ene-
mies : and in the fecond, (and I fear me the
laft battaile that e'er you'll fight,) whilft your
men were crying Viftory ! and I hear they
had reafon to do fo, your fword broke in the
aire, which made you a fugitive to your flying
enemies, Sir, pray pz^rdon my boldnefle, for
« it
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MARQUIS OF WORCESTER. 423 '
** it IS God's caufe that makes me fo bold, and
** no inclination of my own to be fo : and give
** me leave to tell you, that God is angry with
** you, and will never be pleafed untill you have
** taken new refolutions concerning your reli-
*' gion, which I pray God to direO: you, or elfe
** you'll fall from naught to worfe, from thence
** to nothing."
" King Charles. — My Lord, I cannot fo much
** blame as pity your zeal. The foundneffe of
** Religion is not to be tryed by dint of fword,
*' nor muft we judge of her truths by her pfo-
*^ fperity ; for then, of all men Chriftians would be
^' the moft miferable. We are not to be thought
** no followers of Chrift, by obfervations drawn
** from what is croffe or otherwife, but by taking
^' up our croffe and following Chrift. Neither
^* do I remember, my Lord, that I made any
*' fuch vow before thebattaile of Nafeby con»
** ceming Catholiques ; but fome fatisfa^on I
*' did give my Proteftant fubjefts, who,^ on the
" other fide, w6re perfuaded that God bleft us
" the worfe for having fo manyPapifts in our
" army."
'* Marquifs.^^Tht difference is not great ; I
" pray God forgive you, who have moft reafon
^« to afk it.'
. »
King. — I think not fo, my Lord."
E « 4 Mar^uifi.
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4^4 MARQUIS OF WORCESTER.,
«^ Marqui/s.—^f^io fliall judge V
" King. — ^I pray, my Lord, let us fit down,
" and let Reafon take her feat."
*' Marquifs. — Reafon is no judge.'*
King. — ^But fhe may take her place. Mar*
quifs, not above our faith/*
«
Marquifs. — Not above our fjuth*"
SIR THOMAS SOMERSET,
^^ brother to the Marquis of Worcefter, had
" a houfe which was called Troy, five miles
'^ from Ragland Caftle. This Sir Thomas being
*' a complete Gentleman, delighted much in fine
'^ gardens and orchards, where, by the benefit of
** art, the earth was made fo grateful to him at
«' the fame time that the King (Charles the Firft)
*^ happened to be at his brother's houfe, that it
" yielded him wherewithal to fend his brother
«' Worcefter a prefent, and fuch an one as (the
** times and the feafons confidered) was able to
«' make the King believe that the Soverdgn of
*^ the Planets had new changed the Poles,, and
'' that
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SIR THOMAS SOMERSET* 42J
*^ that Wales (the refufe and the outcaft of the
^' fair garden of England) had feirer and riper
^^ fruit than England's bowels had on all her
" beds. This prefent given to the Marquis he
*^ would not fuffer to be prefented to the King
*^ by any hand but his own. In comes, then,
«* the Marquis at the end of the fupper, led by
*' the arm, with a flow pace, exprefling much
** Spanifh gravity, with a filver difh in each hand,
*^ filled with rarities, and a little bafket on his
*^ arm as a^referve, where, making his obeyfance,
<* he thus fpeaks : May it pleafe your Majefty, if
** the four Elements could have been robbed to
" have entertained youf Majefty, I think I had
*' but done my duty ; but I muft do as I may,
<^ If I had fent to Briftol for fomc good things
<« to entertain your Majefty, that would have
<' been no wonder at all. If I had procured
'* from London fome goodnefs that might have
«' been acceptable to your Majefty, that would
^^ have been no wonder. But here I prefent
" you. Sir, (placing his diflies ^pon the table,)
" with that which came not from Lincoln that
" was, nor London that is, nor York that is to
" be, but from Txpy. Whereupon the King
'* fmiled ; and anfwered the Marquis, Truly, my
** Lord, I have heard that com now grows where
« Troy town ftood } but I never thought that
^\ there had grown any apricots befol-e. Where-
«' upon the Marquis replied, Any thing to pleafe
" your
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4^ BLANCHE, LADY ARUNDELL.
** your Majefty. When my Lord Marquis de-
" parted the prefence, one told him that he
" would make a very good Courtier. Remem-
" ber well, replied the Marquis, that I faid one
" thing which may give you fome hopes of me :
*' Any thing to pleafe your Majefly.'*
Apophtbegnies of the Earl of Worcester.
BLANCHE, LADY ARUNDELL,
BARONESS OF WARDOUR.
FORTMS eretntur fortihus tsf honh.
Eft injuvencisy eft in equis pairum
Viltus, nee imhellem feroces
Progenerant aquila columham ;
The offspring of a noble race
Their high-bred Sires can nc*er difgrace ;
Valour and worth to them fupply'd
With Life's own warm and crimfon tide ;
The courfer of a gen'rous breed
Still pant^ for the Olympic mead 5
Nor the fierce eagle, bird of JovCj
E'er generates the timid dove \
fays Horace, and Lady Arundell confirms his
affertion. The fame courage, the fame fpirit,
which her fathfer the Earl of Worcefter exhibited
in the defence of hi$ Caftle of Ragland, this ex-
cellent
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BLANCHE, LADY ARUNDELL. ^XJ
cellent woman difplayed at the fiege of Wardour
Caftle. The account of the noble defence fhe
made againft her favage and unprincipled be-
liegers, is told in the " Mercurius Rufticus/' a
kind of Newfpaper of thofe times in which it was
written ; and which, in the narrative of the be-
haviour of the Parliamentary Generals, ferocious
and infolent as it is, will recall, for the honour of
the country where it happened, but imperfeftly
perhaps to the mind of the reader, the fcenes of
ravage, defolation, and murder, that have taken
place in a neighbouring Nation ; which, not fatif-
fied with the deftruftion of its old corrupt Go*
vernment, has raifed upon the ruins of it a fyftem
of tyranny and of rapine without example in the
annals of the wo^ldf
EXTRACT FROM MERCURIUS RUSTICUS,
" On Tuefday the fecond of May 1643, Sir
** Edward Hungerford, a Chief Commander of
" the rebels in Wiltfliire, came with his forces
^* before Wardour Caftle in the fame county,
" being the manfion-houfe of the Lord Arundell
** of Wardour. But 'finding the caftle ft rong,
** and thofe that were in it refolute not to yield
** it up unlefs by force, called Colonel Strode to
•* his help. Both thefe joined in one made a
*^ body of 1300, or thereabout. Being come
*^ befprc
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4^8 BtANCHB, LADY ARUNX>ILll^
^ before it, by a trumpet they fummaa the caftk>
^ to furrender : the reafon pretended waa^ be-
** eaufe the cattle being a receptacle of catv^rs
*' and malignants, both Houfes of Parliament
^^ had ordered it to be fearched for men aad
^^ arms ; and withal by the fame tru9ipeter de«
*' dared, that if they found either money or plate^
^^ they would feize on it for the ufe of the Pain
*^ liament. The Lady Arundeil (her huiband
«^ being then at O^ord, aiid fince that dead
^ there) refufed to deliver upr the caftle ; and
** bravely replied, that (he had a command from
^\ her Lord to keep it> an^ fhe. would obey hia
^ command,
** Being denied entrance, the next day, bdrig
^' Wednefday the third of May, they bring up
*' the camion within mufquet-fhot, and begin
** the battery, and continue from the Wednefday
•* to the Monday following, never givmg any
^ intermiffion to the befieged, who were but
** twenty-five fightmg men, to make good the
'« place againft an army of 1300 men. In this
^* time they fpring two mines ; the. firft in a vault,
" through which beer and wood and other necefr
•* fanes were brought into the caftle : this did
*' not much hurt, k being without the foundation
<^ of the caftle. The fecond was conveyed in the
«^ fmall vaults J which, by reafon of the inter-
^* courfe
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•* courfe betweeii the feveral paffages to every
*' office, and ahnoft every room m the caftle, did
" much fcake iand endanger the whole fabrick.
•^^ The rebds had often tendered fome unrea-
'^ fon^ble conditions to the befieged to furrender ;
** as to give the ladies, both the mother and the
** daughter-in Jaw, and the women and children,
'^ quarter, but not the men. The ladies both
*' infinitely fcorning to facrifice the lives of their
*^ friends and feryants to redeem their own from
*^ the cruelty of the rebels, who had no otlier
*^ crime of which they could count them guilty
*' but their fidelity and earneft endeavours to pre-
^* ferve them from violence and robbery, choofe
*' bravely (according to the noblenefs of their
** honourable families from which they were both
*' extrafted) rather to die together than live on
" fo difhonourable terms. But now, the caftle
" brought to this diftrefs, the defendants few,
♦* oppreffed with number, tired out with conti-
^* nual watching and labour from Tuefday to
^* Monday, fo diftrafted between hunger and
^ want of reft, that when the hand eiidcavoured
" to adminifter food, furprifcd with fleq) it for-
" got its employment, the morfels falling from
** their hands while they were about to eat, de-
" luding their appetite; now, when it might
*^ have been a doubt whigh they would firft have
« laded
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43^ BLANCHE, LADY ARUN0ELL#
^ laded ttieii* mufquets withaJ, either powder
*' before bullet, or bullet before powder, had not
^^ the maid-fervants (valiant beyond their fex)
^^ affifted them, and done that fervice for them ;
*' laftly, now, when the rebels had brought pe-
*^ tarrs, and applied them to the garden-doors,
^' (which, if forced, opened a free paflage to the
*' caftle,) and balls of wild-fire to throw in at
*' their broken windows, and all hopes of keep-
*^ ing the caftle was taken away ; now, and not
*^ till now, did the befieged found a parley. And
*' though in their Diurnals at London they have
^' told the world that they offered threefcore
" thoufand pounds to redeem themfelves and the
*' caftle, and that it was refufed, yet few men take
** themfelves to be bound anything the more to ,
" believe it becaufe they report it. I would
^^ Matter Cafe would leave preaching treafon, and
** inftruft his difciples to put away lying, and
** fpeak every man truth of his neighbour. Cer-
" tainly the world would not be fo abufed with
*^ imtruths as they now are; amongft which
•' number this report was one : for if they in the
'^ caftle offered fo liberally, how came the rebek
'* to agree upon articles of furrender fo far be-
" neatfi that overture ? for the Articles of Sur-
*^ render were thefe : • -
«*' Firft, that the Ladies and all others in the
*^ caftle fhould have quarter.
" Secondly,
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BLANCHE, LADY ARUNDEL^, 43I
<« Secondly, That the Ladies and fervants
** fhould carry away all their wearing-apparel ;
** and that fix of the ferving men, whom the
" Ladies fhould nominate, fhould attend upon
" their perfons wherefoever the rebels fhould
** difpofe of them.
" Thirdly, that all the furniture and goods
" in the houfe fhould be fafe from plunder; and
*^ to this purpofe one of the fix nomhiated to
*« attend the ladies, was to flay in the caftle, and
*' takeaninventory of allinthehoufe; of which
*' the Commanders were to have one copy, and
" the lladies another.
^' But being on thefe terms matters of the
" caflle and all within, it, 'tis true they obferved
** the firfl article, and fpared the lives of all the
** befieg^d, though they had flain in the defence
" at leaft fixty of the Rebels. But for the other
" two, they obferved them not in any part. As
" foon as they entered the caflle, they firfl feized
** upon the feveral trunks and packs which they
*^ of the caftle were making up, and left neither
" the Ladies nor fervants any other wearing-
" clothes but what was on their backs. *
" There was in the caftle, amongft many rich
** ones, one extraordinary chimney-piece, valued
*^ at two thoufand pounds j this they utterly de-
uced.
<c
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4^4 BLANCHE, LADt ARUNDEtt.
•♦ faced, and beat down all the carved works
«^ thereof with their pole-axes. There were
«* likewifc rare pictures, the work of the mpft
^ curious pencils that were known to thefe lattef
" times of the world, and fuch that Apelles him*
** felf (had he been alive) need not blulh to own
** for his. Thefe in a wild fiiry they break and
" tear to pieces j a lofs that neither coft nor art
« can repair*
** Having thus given them a tafte what per*
^ formancc of articles they were to expedt from
•* them, they barbaroufly lead the Ladies, and
*' the young Lady's children, two fons and a
" daughter, prifoners to Shaftefbury, fome four
" or five miles from Wardour *.
" While they were prifoners, to mitigate theif
•* forrows, in triumph they bring five cart loads
«^ of their richeft hangings and other furmture
•* through Shaftefbury towards Dorchefter : and
•' fince that, contrary to their promife and faith,
^ given both by Sir Edward H\mgerford and
^ Strode, they plundered the whole caftle : fo
* The learned and iHuftrious Mr. Chillingworth was
in Wardour Caftle when it was taken, having retired thi-
ther in very bad health. He was carried by the ParHa-
xnentary army firft tof. Salifbury, and then to Chichefter;
in the Bifhop's palace of which city he died foon after*
wards.
** Uttle
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BLANCHE, LADY ARtJNBELL; 433
•^ little ufe was there of the inventory we told
*^ you of, unlefs to let the world know what
** LordArundell loft,.andwhat the Rebels gained.
** This havock they made within the cattle.
*^ Without they burnt all the out-houfes j they
^* pulled up the pales of two parks, the one of
*^ red deer, the other of fallow ; what they did
*^ not kill they let loofe to the world for the next
** taker. In the parks they bum three tenements
*' and two lodges j they cUt down all the trees
^* about the houfe and grounds. Oaks and elms,
** fuch as biit few places could boaft of the like,
^' whofe goodly bufhy advanced heads drew the
*' eyes of travellers on the plains to gaze on
^' them; thefe they fold for four-pence, fixpence,'
^* or twelve-pence a-piece, that were worth three,-
*^ four, or five pounds a-piecc. The fruit-trees
** they pluck up by the roots, extending their
*' malice to commit fpoil on that which God, by
*^ a fpecial law, protected from deftrudion even^
** in the land of his curfe, the land of Canaan ;>
^* for fo we read : When thou Jhalt heficgea city^ -
** thou Jhalt not d^roy thejrees thereof by forcing^
** an ax againji them^for thou niayeji eat of them,
** and thou Jhalt not cut them ddwn and employ
*^ them in the Jiege ; only the trees "ivhich thou
** knoweji that they be not trees for meat tbm Jhalt
^' dejiroy. Deut. xx. 19, 20. Nay, that which -
•* efcaped deftruftion in the Deluge cannot efcape
VOL. I. F F " the
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4$4 BtAKCHS, JLADf AKXmtmtt^
*• the hands of thefe Children of the ApoIIy<itt
** the Deftroyer. They dig up the heads of
** twelve great ponds, fome pf five or fix ao'es
" a^picce, and deftroy all the fifli. They fell
*' carps of two foot long for two-pence and three-
" pence a-piece : they fent out the fiih^^y cart-
** loads, fo that the coimtry could not fyend
*^ them. Nay, as if the prefent generation w«re
** too narrow an objeft for their rage, they phm-
** dcr pofterity, and deftroy the nurferies of the
'* great ponds. They drive away and feU their
^ horfes, kine, and other cattle, and having left
** nothing cither in air or water, they dig under
** the ea^th. The caftle was ferved with water
^ brought tw& miles by a conduit of lead ; and
^^ intending rather mifchief to the King'^s friends
** than profit to thcmfelves, they cut up the pipe
•* and fold it (as thefe men's wives in North
^ 'WSttfhire do bone-lace) at (ixpence a yardj
^ making that wafte for a poor inconfiderable
^^ fum which two thouiand pouoids will not make
^ good. They that have the unhappy occafion
*^ to fum up thefe lofles, vsdue them at no lef$
^ than one hundred thoiifand pounds. And
** though this lofs were very great, not to be
'* paralleled by any except th^t of the Countefs
"•*^ of Rivers, yet there was fomething in thefe '
•^ fufferings which did aggravate them beyond
^ all example of barbarity which unnat»ral war
7 ^ till
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u
€€
•* till now did procitice^ and that was Rachers
*^ tears, lamentatioH and weeping and great mourns
ing, a mother weeping for her children^ and
would not be comforted^ becaufe they were takeil
from her. For the rebels, as you hear, having
carried the two Ladies prifoners to Shaftefburyj
^ thinking them hot Ikfe enough^ their intent is
** to remoYe fhem to Bath, a place then much
•• infefted both with the plague and the fmall*
♦* poxi The old Lctdy was fick Under a double
** confinement, that of the Rebels and her own
** indifpofition. All were unwilling to be ex*
*^ pofed to the danger of the infeftion, efpecially
" thd young Lady, having three children with
** her J they were too dear, too rich a tf eafiil'e
" to be fnatched away to fuch probable lofs
" without rduftancy; therefore they refolre not
** to yield themfelves prifoners unlefs they will
•' take the old Lady out of her bed, and the reft
" by violence, and fo carry them away^ But
** the Rebels fearing left fo great inhumkriity
" might incenfe the people agdinft them^ and
•* render them odious to the country, decUna
*^ this } and, fince they dare not carry all to
*^ Bath, they refolve to carry fome to Dor-
** chefter, a place lio lefs dangerous for the in-
" fedtion of fchifm.and rebelljion than Bath for
^^ the plague and the fmall-pox. To this pur-
•• pofe they take the young Lady's two fons,
F.^ a -** (the
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43^ BLANCHfi, LADY ARtJN0ELL»
5* (the eldeft but nine, the younger but feven
^* years of age,) and carried them captives to
«« Dorchefter.
^* In vain doth the mother with tears intreat
** that thefe pretty pledges of her Lord's afec-
** tions may nbt be fnatched from her. In
** vain do the children embrace and hang about
•* the neck of their mother, and implore help
•' from her, that neither knows how to keep
•^ them, nor yet how to part with them: but
** the Rebels, having loft all bowels of compaf-
** fion, remain inexorable. The complaints o£
*' the mother, the pitiful cry of the children,
** prevail not with them : like ravenous wolves
^ they feize on the prey, and though they do
** not crop, yet they tranfplant thofe olive
*^ branches that ftood about their parents^
« table."
Lady Arundell is buried with her Lord, near
the altar of the very elegant chapel at Wardour
Caftle^ built by the prefent Lord Arundell. The
infcription on their monument is as foUowst:
** To the Memory of the Right Honourable
" Thomas Lord Arundell, fecond B^ron of
" Wardour, and Count of the facred Roman
'* Empire ; who died at Oxford of the wounds
" he received at the battle of Lanfdown, in the
*^ fervice
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BLANCHE, LADY ARUNDBLL. 437
^ fervice of King Charles the Firftj for whom
^ he raifed a regiment of horfe at his own ^x*
^ pence at the time of the Ufurpation.
" Obiit igtb Mali 1643. ^^^^* 59*
^* And of the Right honourable Blanch Lady
** Arundeil, his wife, daughter of Edward So-
*^ merfet. Earl of Worcefter, Lord Keeper of
** the Privy.feal, Mafter of Horfe, and ICnight
*^ of the mod: noble order of the Garter, ancet
*' tor to the Duke of Beaufort, lineally defcend-
*^ ed from John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancafter,
*' fon of Eang Edward the Third, This Lady,
** a$ diftinguifhed for her courage as for the
^* fplendor of her birth, in the abfence of her
*^ hufband bravely defended the Caftle of War^
^^ dour, with a courage above her fex, for nine
^' days, with a few men, againft Sir Edward
*' Hungerford and Edmund Ludlow and their
*^ army, and then delivered it up on honourable
f^ terms. Obiit 28tb O^obr, 1649. ^tat. 66,
*^ Requiefcat in Pace^
" Who Jhall find/ a valiant wofnan ! ^be -price
^' of her is as things brought from afar off^ and
^' from the uttermojl coajis. The heart of her
^' hufband trujieth in her. Prov. xxxJ.
*^ Our God was our refuge andjirength; the
^* Lord of Armies was with usy the God ofya(ob
f * "ff^as our Protestor. Pfalm xlvi/*
??3 5y
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43S I^ORQ lOEJE^SIt WIl^UAMSf
By the kindnefs of the prefent Lord Aruk^
DEX^t, thef^ Volumes are decorated with an
Engravino of this incoinparable Woman^
from the origin^il Picture pf her *t W»rdour
Caftle, Wilts,
WILLIAMS,
$vccis^ssnrCLy bishop of Lincoln, lord |c£b?eR} an9
ARCHBISQOP OF YORK*
It is faid upon the monument of this Ieame4
. I^relate, at an obfcure village in Camarvonj(hire,
that ^' he was Hnguarum plus decern fciens — that
*^ he underftpod more than ten languages/'
The Lord Keeper had found, in the cburfe of
his own life, the advantage of ^knowledge to
himfelf, and was very anxious that other perfons
ihould poffefs thpfe benefits which he had turne4
to fo good an account. His Biographer tells us,
that in all the various progreffions in the digni»
tics of the Church, whether as Canon, Dean, or
Bifhop, he always fuperintended the grammar*
fehools that were appended to his Cathedralj^
fmd took care that they ihould be fupp}i^d yn^
proper and able m^fters?
Williams had been Chaplain to Lord Bacon,
and fucceeded hijn in his office. When that
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BL. A]^C H
LABY ARUKBEIL
LondoTuFuJb1U7iciMarcfh73.77^3,by CadeJl &zD€wies. Stmrut.
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COHO CEEKH WlLLUkUa^.
439
gsesit man brought the Seals to his Sovereign
.^UEBes the Firfl;, the Kiug was overheard to fay,
** Now, by my foule, I am pained to the heart
** where to beftow this ; for as to my lawyers,
** they be all knaws*'*
'Williams, however, was not more honeft than
ihe perfons of that profeffion which James had
fo fcandalized ; for, as Keeper of the King's
confcience, he gave to his Sovereign, Charles
th^ Firft, that advice refpeOing the figning the
warrant for Lord Strafford's death, which pre-
vented him from having afterwards any perlbn$
firmly and fteadily attached to hinu
Lord Clarendon fays, *' That Lord Keeper
Williams told his Sovereign, that hemuft
confider that he had a publig confcience as
well as a private confcience; and that though
his private contcience, as a man, would not peiv
mit hijn to aft contrary to his own un^erftand*
ing, judgment, and confcience, yet his public
confcience, as a King, which obliged turn to
do all for the good of his people, and to pre»
ferve his kingdom in peace for himfelf an4
his pofterity, would not only permit him to do
that, but even oblige and require him; and
that he (aw in what commotion the people
were; that his own life, and that of the
F F 4 " Queen
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440 LORD KEEPER WILLIAM6#
<« Queen and the royal iffue might probably be
«* lacrificed to that fury ; and it would be very
<' ftrange if his confcience ihould prefer die right
" of one fmgle perfon (how innocent foever)
'* before all thefe other lives, and the preferva-
^* tion of the kingdom.'*
Williams, who foon after this ruinous advice
was made Archbifhop of York, fortified Conway
Caftle for the fervice of his Sovereign; and hav-
ing left his nephew as Governor there, fet out to
attend the King at Oxford, in January 164;^. In
an interview that he had with Charles, he is faid
to have cautioned him againft Cromwell ; telling
his Majefty, that when he was Bifliop of Lincoln,
*' he knew him at Bugden, but never knew of
^^ what religion he was. He was,'* added he, •
*^ a common fpokefman for Seftaries, and took
^* their part with ftubbornnefs. He never dif^
'* courfed as if he were pleafed with your Ma-
*' jefty or your officers ; indeed, he loves none
^* that are more than his equals. His fortune^
^^ are broken, fo that it is impoffible for him to
'' fubfift, much lefs to be what he afpires at, but
** by your Majefty's bounty, or by the ruin of
f* us all, and a common confufion: as one faid
f^ long ago, Lentuh/alvo, Re/publlca falva ejfe
f ' nm poteji. In fhort, every beafl hath evil pro-
ff perties, but Cromwell hath the properties of
f^ alj
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f^ all evil beads. My humble motion is, that
^^ your Majefty would win him to you by pro-
.*' mifes of fair treatment, or catch him by fome
^^ ftratagem, and cut bim pff/'
After the King was beheaded, the Archbifliop
is faid to have fpenfhis days in forrow, ftudy,
and devotion. He indeed only furvived his un-
fortunate Sovereign one year. The Archbifliop
was extremely attentive to the Cathedrals fucceft
fively committed to his care*
By the kindnefs of Paul Panton, Efq. of
the Ifland of Anglefey, the Compiler is epabled
to prefent the Public with Three Original Let-
ters of this extraordinary perfon. The firft two
were written from St. John's College in Cam-
bridge J and the other after Jie had loft the Great -
Seal,
LETTER I.
TO JOHN WYNNE, OF GUEDER, ESQ^ IN
CARNARVONSHIRE,
** WORSHIPFUL SIR,
^* My humble dutie remembred — I am rightc
ff heartilie fprrie to fee you impute my turbulent
^« & pat
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44i I^OUD KEB7Sa WUXIAMS*
^ & paflionate Letter to ill nature, wch proceed*
^ ed only from fufpictous povertie, and a pre*
•* fcnt feare of fiiture undoinge, bredd and fof*
** tered by the fuggeftions of thofe, who either
*^ knewe not what it was, or elfe would not im-
*^ parte the beft counfaile* Well might your
^ Woifliippe have guefde my fault to have beea
** noe blemifli of nature, but fuch another at
^ that of foolifli Euclio in Plautus, who fuf.
♦* peded Megadorus, though he had foe farre
^ againfte his eflate & reputation demeande
•* himfelfe as to be a fuytor for Euclio's daughr
** ter;
** Nam J! opulentus it petitum pauperioris gratiam^
^* Patter nutuit congredi, per metum male rtm gerit ;
•* Idem quando Wac occafto periity poflfero cupit ;
** a faulte I have committed (for the wch I
** mode humblie crave pardonne, vowing hecre
** before the face of God to doe you what re-
*^ compence & fatisfaftion foever, how and when
** you will) ; but that faulte wa$ not in writinge
^•* unto you, for therein I protefte I do not
^* knowe that I have any way mifdemened my»
*^ felfe, but it was in a certain fufpicion I con»
^« ceived of your love towards me, caufed part*
^* lye by your late letter, far more Aiarpe and
^ t^fs courteous than ;a.t other times, partly alfo
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M9J> R»PSlt WILLIAMffi 44)
.^ by the letters o( otbetn^ who afiured me that
*« the money was not dewe any wayes to Thom
^* ap Maurice. That my nature is not intern..
♦* perate, thofe that have ever knowne me doc
^^ knowe, being dull and meltocholicke in con-p
^* ftitution : neither could I ever heare that my
** kindred was tainted with that uglie fpot. God
** forbid that the lead of theft three caufes, your
^^ greatnefs, my meanes, but efpeciallie your dor
^^ fertes towards me, might not be a fufficient
*' motive to curbe the furie of my penne. J
** heere confefs fet maneat hac mn ilia furore
** fcripta litera) that now I am & always did ac^
^ count of myfelfe as one infinitely bound unta
^* your Worfhip, efpecialHe for three things;
** I. the perfwading of my Father to fende me
^* to Cambridge \-^2. the writinge both to my
** Tutour ^ alfoe to others concernjnge my
^' Scholarfhippe and Fellowfhippe : — 3* the der
** meaninge of your felfe foe belowe your eftate
,f ' as to meddle foe much with my poor portion^
*^ Thefe things are written in my hearte, whati-
^* foeyer frenzy writ in paper. My forrowe \%
^* farre the greater, becaufe againft my expeft-
^^ ations you doe not forget to fend me foni
^* money towards my Coiiimencement, wch \
^^ proteft I thought to have differred. Your
(^ fco^es made me verie little, but that you
'' ibould
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444 LORD RfiSPCR WILLIAMS*
^* ihould befide my deferte and beyond my ex-
*^ peftarion fliewe me fuch a kind & tender
*' hearte,
^« Obftrepuif Jleteruntq* CQma^ iff vopc faucibtis haftU
^* Three Petitions I in all humble dutie crave
** at your Worlhips hands — if not for mine, yet
** for my father and mothers fake, — Firft — that
<« you would (if poflible you can) lett me have
f* that money in E?ifter Term wch you promife
** in Trinity ^fecondly — that in your next Ir^
** you doe fende me that fooliflj letter of myne
*^ enclofed — that therein I might fee myne own
^* follies, wch ek I cannot believe to have beqn
*^ fo greate thirdly — that if there be any
** fuch follie committed, you will gentlie pardoq
<« it— affuringe yourfelf I will never fall into the
^* like againe. And thus with mjr humble duti§
f ^ \ take my leave.
" The moft woefuU
** John Williams/'
J.?T-
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LORD KEEPER WILLIAMS. 445
LETTER II.
TO THE SAME.
** St. John^s College, Cambridge,
Aug. 18, 161 1.
^^ Whether you will be at that cofte with
^^ your fon (Robert) or noe to make him Senior
** Brother in Cambridge, beinge a Younger Bro-
" ther at home, yeat the very conceyte thereof
^ hath wroughte fuch miracles, as that there is
" more fittinge uppe at nights, more ftudiinge
" & gettinge up in morninges than either love
" or feare could worke before, fo that as St.
*' Auften fpeakes, there is felix error quo decipi^
*' mur in melius. Befide his ordinarie charges
*^ for apparaile & commencement, wch your'
^\ Wor : knows muft neceflariely be borne in
<« every Batchelor, he is befide to feafte the
" Doftours and Maifters of Houfes, wch will
^' come to fome 18L & to give -the Father of
^* the Afte a Satten Suyte, or the value thereof;
" who if it Ihould prove to be myfelf, as is mod
" likelye, that cofte may be fpared. I referre
^^ it wholye to yr Worfhippes difcretion to judge
" if the credkt will countervaile the charges ;
*' furelie it will be an honor unto him as long
*^ as he continues in the Univerfitie, & to his
" Brothers if they fliould foUowe him.-^Your
« poor kiufman in all dutie***
LET-
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44^ ttUt^ tttnA ^llLlAfiJk
LETTER 111,
TO THS SAME*
u
SIR, Bugdcn, I Dec, i6ifi
^* With the remembrance df my love and
** beft affeftions unto you — Being very fenfibld
" of that great good will you have ever borne
" me, I thought it not unneceffary to take thit
*^ courfe with you, wch 1 have done with ito
** other Frynd in the worlde, as td defire you ta
•^ be no more troubled with this late accident
'< befallen unto me, than you fhall underftand I
«^ am myfelfo. There is nothing happened
•« which I did not forefee & (fithence the death
^' of my dear Maifter) affuredly expeft, nor
*^ laye it in my power to prevent, othcrwiffF
" than by the facrififinge of my pcjor ^ftate, and-
*• that wch I eftefem farre above the fame, my
*• reputation, I knowe you love me too well^
" to wifh that I fliould have b^n lavifhe of
*^ either of thefe, to continue longer (yeat noe
*^ longer than one man pleafed) in this glorious
'« mifcrye and fplendid flaverie, wherein I hav^
" lived (if a man may caH fuch a toiiinge a liv*
*' inge) for thefe jfive years almoft* I loofiage
<< the Seals I have loft nothinge^ nor my Seu
« vanis by any fault of mine, there being no*
** thing either layde or fd much as wi^red to
" my
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LORD &EBPSR WII^LIAMS; 447
•^ my charge. If I have not the opportunitie I
** hadd before to fervc the King, I have much
** more conveniency to ferve God— wch I em-
** brace as the onelye end of Gods love provi-
<< dence to me in this fudden alteration^
*
**^ For your Sonne Owen Wynne (who toge-
•« ther with my debts is all the object of my
^ worldlye thoughts & cares) I will performe
^* towards him all that he can have expefted
^ from me, if I five ; & if I dye, I have per-
*^ formed it aUreadye.——
** You neede not feare any mifle of me, being
** fo juft and referved in all your defires & re-'
** queftsj having ^Ifoe your Eldefte Sonne
** neare the Kinge & of good rqjutation in the
•' Court, who can give you a good account o£
** any thinge you fliall recommend unto him.—
" Hoping therefore that I fhall ever hold the
•* lame place I did in your love, wch was firft
^* fixed on my perfon> not my late place, & wch
*' I will deferve by all the freyndlye & lovinge
*• offices which iball lie in my power, I end with
*' my prayer unto God for the continuance of
^* your health, & due reft your very affured
*^ loveinge Friend and Cozen
" J04 Lincoln."
** This'
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44* LORD KEEPE ft. WILLI AMsr;
« This learned Prelate/' fays Wilfon, *< waS;
•* of a comely and ftately prefence ; and that,
*^ animated with a great mind, made him appear
*' very proud to the vulgar eye ; but that very
*' temper raifed him to aim at great things,
*^ which he effefted : for the old ruinous body
*' of the Abbey-church of Weftminfter waS new
•^ clothed by him ; the fair and beautiful Library
*' of St. John's in Cambridge was a pile of his
^* ereflion ; and a very complete Chapel built
*^ by him at Lincoln College in Oxford (merely
*^ for the name of Lincoln, having no intereft
** in nor relation to that Univerfity) ; thefe,**
obferves Wilfon, ** were arguments of a great
" mind : how far from oftentation * (in this
^ frail body of flefti) cannot now be deter-
*^ mined, becaufe the benefit of publique aftions
*' fmooths every Ihore that piles up the build-
^« ing.
** But that,*^ continues Wilfon, " which
** heightened him mod in the opinion of thofe
^ who knew him beft, was his bountiful mind
** to men in want, he being a great patron to
** fupport, where there was merit that wanted
<* fupply ; amongft the reft M. du Moulin t (a
^« very
* Tacitus fays, ** Coniemptu fama njtrtutes contemnuntur*^*
f Pierre de Moulin, a celebrated Proteftant Miniftcr in
France, author of many books on reUgious controverfy. He
came
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16RD KlZPkVi WILLIAMS. 449
*^ very famous Proteftant Minifter of France)
** in the perfecution there driven into England
*' for refiige. The Bifliop hearing of him,
** fpoke to Dr. Hacket^ his Chaplain, to make
^^ him a viiit from him ; and becaufe, faith he, I
** think the man may be in want in a ftrange
** country, carry him fome money (not naming
** the fum, becaufe he would founde the depth
^* of his Chaplain's minde)i Doftor Hacket,
** finding the Bifliop nominate no proportion,
" told him he could not give him leffe than
^* twenty pounds* I did demurre upon the
*^ fum, faid the Bifliop, to try you* Is twenty
** pounds a gift for me to give a man of his
** parts and deferts ? Take a hundred pounds,
*^ and prefent it to him from me, and tell him
** he fliall not want, and I will come fliortly and
*^ vifit him myfelf. Which he after performed,
** and made good his promife in fupplying him
** during his abode in England/'
According to Wilfon, " After a fpeech of
** James the Firfl: to his Parliament, the Lord
*^ Keeper Williams,* Bifliop of Lincoln, and
*' Speaker of the Houfe of Peers, (who always
*' ufes to make the King's mind be further
came to England in the year 161 5, with a plan of a general
union of all the Proteftant churches. The Univerfity of
LeydeI^ offered him their Divinity Profefforfhip, which he
refufecf. He died in 1658, at the age of 90.
VOL. I. 00 ** known
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45^ liORD K££P£|L WILLIAICf.
^ known if there be caufe,) told the Houies <£
^^ Lords and Commons, that after the eloquent
^^ fpeecfa <^ his Majefty, he would not £iy any-
^^ thing ; for as one of the Spartan Kings, being
^ aiked whether he would not willingly hear a
^ man that counterfeited the ycice of a nightin-
^ gafe to the life, made anfwer,that he had
^ beard the nightingale ; fo, for him to rq)eat
** or rehearfe what the King had faid, was (ac-
" cording to the Latin provorb) to enamel a
^ gold ring with ftuds of iron. He doubted
** not but that the King's fpeech, lie the Ora*
^ tions of -ffifchines, had left in their minds a
^* fBng ; and as an Hiftorian faid of Nerva, that
^ having adq>ted Trajan, he was immediately
^* laken away, nefafi dhinum et hnmortate fac^
** tttm^ ttUquid mortde faceret^ fo he could not
" dare, tfcfter his Majeftics divinum €t immortale
*^ idi&um^ nartak aliquid addere.
" This is not inferted,*' adds the acute and
neglefted Hiftorian, " to fliew the pre^ancy
^ and genius of the man, but the temper of the
** times, wherdtti men made themfelves lels than
** men, by making Kings little lefs than God^.
" In this the Spanilh bravery is much to be ad-
^ mired, and the French do not much come
•' fhort of them, who do not idolize their Kings
^« with Sacred, Sovereign, Immortal, and ora-
** culous expreffions, but in their humbleft peti-
7 " tions
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JAliBS H0W£Lt, ESqa 45 1
** tioh* give him the title Sir, tell him their bu-
*' finefs, and demand juftice of him* But vdiere
'' tbefe adulatidns are admitted, though it doth
•* not flrike fuddenly into fome incurable dif-
^' eafe, yet the fame hand can make them con**
*« fiwie, and in the end wafte to nothing/^
JAMES HOWELL^ i^n^
This learned writer took lip his pen very
early in the difputes between Charles and his
Parliament. He vn-ote feveral pamphlets on the
fide of the King. In one of them, called " The
" Land of Ire,'* he has this obfetvation :
*' Touching the originals of Government and
•' Ruling Power^ queftionlefs the firft amongft
^' mankind was that natural power of the father
*^ over his children, and that defpotical fuperin-
*^ tendance of a matter of a houfe over his fa-
*' mily* . But the world multiplying to fuch a
** mafs of people, they found that a confufed
^* equality and a loofe unbridled way of living
'^ like brute animals to be fo inconvenient, that
*' they chofe one perfon to protefl: and govern,
** iiot.fo much out of love to that perfon, as for
*« their own conveniency and advantage, that
*' they might live more regularly, and be fe-
G G 2 '^ cured
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45^ JAMfiS HOWELL, £3(^2,
^* cured from rapine and.oppreffion; as alio,
•' that jufticc might be adminiftered, and every
** one enjoy his own without fear and danger.
*' Such Governors had a power invefled in
** them accordingly ; alfo to appoint fubfer-
" vieht able Minifters under them, to help to
" bear the burden."
Mr. Howell, in his " Italian Profpeftive,*' thus
defcribes the fituation of England duruig the
time of the Republic :
'* The King's fubjefts,*' fays he, " are now
" become perfeft flayes ; they have fooled them-
'* felves into a worfe flavery than Jew or Greek
*^ under the Ottomans, for they know the bot-
*' tom of their fervitude by paying fo many
*' Sultaneffes for every head, but here in Eng-
^' land people are now put to endlefs unknown
*' tyrannical taxes, belides plundering and accife^
'^ which two words, and the pradice of them,
*^ (with ftorming of towns,) they have learnt of
" their pure brethren of Holland. And for plun-
" derings, thefe Parliamenteer Saints think they
" may rob any that adheres to them as lawfully
** as the Jews did the ^Egyptians! *Tis an unfom-
" mable mafle of money thefe Reformers have
" fquandered in a few years, whereof they have
** often promised, and folemnly voted, a pubUc
^* account to fatisfie the kingdom ; but as in a
** hundred
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JAMES HOWELL, ESK^ 453
** hundred things more, fo in this precious par-
** ticular they have difpenfed with their votes :
*' they have confum*d more treafure with pre-
*' tcnce to purge one kingdom, than might have
** ferved to, have purchiifed two; more (as I am
** credibly told) than all the Kings of England
" fpent of the public ftock fince the Saxon Con-
** queft. Thus they have not only* beggared
" the whole Ifland, but they have hurlM it into
*' the moft fearful chaos of confufion that ever
*' poor country was in. They have torn to
^* pieces the reins of all Government, trampled
** upon all Laws of He?iven and of Earth, and
*^ violated the very didates of Nature, by forcing
*^ mothers to betray their fons, and the fons
** their fathers ; but fpecially that Great Char-
*' ter, which is the Pandeft of all the laws
^^ and liberties of the free-born fubjeft, which
*' at their admiflion into the Houfe of Parliament
*' they are folenmly fworn to maintain, is torn to
*^ fritters: befides thefe feveral oaths they forged
*^ themfelves, as the Proteftation and the Cove-
^' nant, where they voluntarily fwear to main-
*' tain the King's honour and rights, together
** with the eftablifh'd laws of the land. Now I
* A poor woman being afked by one of the Puritanical
Leaders, if fhe did not think the Government of her country
much better by the fyftem of reform made by his party ?
her anfwcr was, that (he only perceived one efFcd from it,
>vhich was; that fh^ paid double taxes.
.0 Q 3 ** am
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454 JAMIg HOWiLL, E8Q2,
-« am told, that all Ads of Parliament in Engt
" land are Laws, and they carry that majefty
** with them, that no power can fttfpend or re»
^^ peal them but the fame power that made them,
^ which is the King fitting in full Parliament {
^' but thefe mongrel Politicians have been lb
^' iKJtorioufly impudent aa to make an inferior
^' Ordonance of their's to do it, which is point.
^^ blank againft the fundamentals of the Govemr
<' ment of England and their own oaths; which
^^ makes me think that there never was fuch a
*' pack of i>erjured wretches upon earth, fuch
^ monfters of mankind/'
Howell feems to have been fo weary of the
oppreffion caufed by the Republican Government
pf England, that though a Royalift, jind a ftrong
partifan of Charles the Firft, yet in one of hh
pamphlets he compliments Cromwell upon af*
fuming the title of Proteftor, and compares hinj
to Charles Martel.
PRESIDENT BRADSH AW.
Very little is known of this ^extraordinary
perfon, who by a wonderful concurrence of dr*
pumftances prefided ^t the trial of his Sovereign,
H9
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He 18 mentkmed, however, occaiionally in '^ Lud*-^
^ iow^s Memoirs/' as diftinguifhed for his at*
tachment to a Republkaii fc»'m of Government,
and for his deteftation and abhorrence of any
attempt to place the government of this coontry
m any one hand whatever.
** In a debate in Parliament, during the Pro*
*^ teftorate of Cromwell," fays Ludlow, " Trfie-
^ ther the fiipreme legiflative power of the nation
** fhould be in a fingle perfon, or in the Parlia-
** ment; in this debate Sir Arthur Haflerig,
*^ Mr. Scott, and many others, particularly the
** Lord Prefident Bradlhaw, were very inftru*
** mental in opening the eyes of many young
** Members, who had never before heard their
^' intercfts fo clearly ftated and affcrted, fo that
^* the Commonwealth party increafed daily, and
^* that of the fword loft ground.
5^ Soon after Cromwell's death, when the
*' army had been guilty of violence to the Par-
*^ liament, and whilft one of their Officers of the
*' Council of State, at which Bradfhaw prefided;
*' was endeavouring to juftify the proceedings of
*' the army, and was undertaking to prove that
*' they were neceffitated to make ufe of this laft
^^ remedy, by a particular call of the Divine
*^ Providence ; Lord Prefident Bradfliaw,*' fays
G G 4 Ludlow^
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45^ PRESIDENT BRADSHAW,
Ludlow, " who was then prefent, tho* by long
^' ficknefs very weak, and much extepuated,
^^ yet animated by his ardent zeal and conftant
*^ affection to the common caufe, upon hearing
^* thofe words flood up, and interrupted him,
** declaring his abhorrence of that ,deteftable
^' aftion, and telling the Council, that being
^' now going to his God, he had not patience to
*' fit there, and hear his great name fo openly
f* blafphemedj and thereupon departed to his
'* lodgings, and withdrew himfelf from public
*^ employmentf'^
Bradfhaw did not pronounce fentence of death
?igainft the unfortunate Charles the Firft. The
fentence was read by the Clerk (the Prefident
of the High Court of Juftice, and the reft of the
Members, ftanding up while it was reading, in
teftimony of their approbation of it). The King
objedled to the legality of the Court. The Pre-
fident replied, f' Sir, inftead of anfwering the
f * Court:, you interrogate their power, which be-
^^ comes not one in your condition.'* — r" Thefe
** words,*' fays Lilly, who was prefent and re-
lates them, " pierced my heart and foul, to
f< hear a fubjeft thus audacioufly to reprehend
?* his Sovereign, who ever and anon replied
M with great magnanimity and prudence/*
The
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?RESIMNT BRAPSHAW, 457
The following original fupplicatory letter from
Lord Keeper Williams to Prefident Bradfhaw,
when he was Chief Juftice of Chefter, {hews but
too forcibly the viciflitude of earthly things, and
the uncertainty of the poffe|Iion of hijman power
^d dignity :
ORIGINAL LETTER
f ROM JOHN WILLIAMS, ARCHBISHOP OF YORK,
LORD KEEPER IN THE REIGN OF CHARLES
THE FIRST, TO MR. BRADSHAW, AFTER-
WARD PRESIDENT BRADSHAW, CHIEF JUSi-
TICE OF CJHESTER, AND MR. WARBURTON,
pIS ASSOCIATE IN THAT CIRCUIT.
** Gwyder, 24 March 1647^
^ RIGHT HONBLE-p— ^
** I live here under the favour & protedion
^ of both the mod honourable Houfes of Park:
^ to whom I am much bound in that kynde, &
^* in the Houfe of Sir Richard Wynne my nere
^ Kinfman & a conftant Member of the Houfe
^ of Commons.— r-
*^ Where upon my return from Ruthyn
^^ (where I hadd the opportunitye to falute you)
^ I finde that Sir Rd Wynne is a Patentee for
" the Poft Fynes, &c. of the Countyes of
^« Cheihyre and Flintfliyre, & hath affigned his
^* brother Owen Wynne for the executinge of
« that
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4^9 PRE6IDEKT BHAWHAWi
** that place, who by thefe late diftraflions &
*^ difcontinuaivce of the Aflizes is threatened by
^^ the Attorneys & fome other Officers now in
^ place in thofe Countyes to be putt oflf from
^ the employment 3c receivinge of the pro*
^ fitts of that Office, the reft accountable unto
*' the pfent Eftate, for the rent relerved upon
*^ the Patent, & (at this inftant) cal'd upcm for
*^ the arrears of 4 years rents, wherein, for
** want of Circuits and peaceable times, there
** hath been little profit, & yeat forced to give
** fetisfaftion to the Committee for the Revenue,
^^ & all this under a ptext that this fhold be a
" grievance in thofe two Countyes wch both
*^ you (znd myfclf too upon fome remembrance
** of the courfe heretofore) doe know to be no
** grievance but a conftant & fettled Revenue to
** the Crowne in all England, in the Dutchyc
*^ of Lancafter & the feveral Countyes of North
^ Wales & South Wales,
" My humble fuyte therefore to you on the
*' behalfe of my Landlord Sir Rd Wynne & hi§
** Affignee is this, that he maye, by your fa»
** voure, procecde peaceably in the execution of
** his Office (wch he hath under both the
^* Create Scale of England & the Seale of the
♦* Chamberlayne of that Countye Palatyne) until
^* fuch time as by any complaynt before the moft
*^ honors
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^ honojrgble Houfe or the Committee of the
^* Revenue this flial be proved to be any fuch
** pretended grieyance either in point of right or
•* of execution. And for this juft favoure not
** onelye Sir Richd Wynne, the Patentee, &
^ h|,s Brother the AfSgnee, fhal be readie in all
^^ t)iankfuU acknowledgement to take notice
^* thereof, but myfelfe, though a ftranger & of
^^ late acquaintance yeat much your Servant, fen:
^* your great care of the Juftice & quietnes of
^^ thefe partes, in order to theyr obedience to
*' the pfent Government, fliall be obliged to r©.
^* mayne to the utmoft of my poore Abiliti?
f^ your
^* very fiuthfuj ^ Humble Servant
*' Jo: EfiORACf
Bradfcaw died before the Reftoration, sm4
fome of his defcendant$ in the female line were
^ few years ago in poffeffion of an eftate at
Chapel in the l^rith ne;^ Buxton, which had be?
longed tp him.
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C46o]
JOHN MILTON.
Dr. Johnson divined with his ufual acumen
when he fuppofed that Milton had undergone
fome bodily difcipline while he was at College.
Mr. Aubrey was told by Chriftopher Milton,
that his brother John was whipped for fonie
*' unkindneffe" by his firft Tutor in the Univer-
fity of Cambridge, Mr. Chapel; and that he was
afterwards (though it feemed againft the rules
of the College) transferred to the tuition of one
Mr. Tovell, who died Parfon of Lutterworth.
" Ut pidura poejis erit^^ has been often faid,
and pi£lor ut poeta perhaps occafionally thought.
Mr. Garrick ufed to call Salvator Rofa the
Shakefpeare of Painting, and might not the
name of the Milton of Painting be transferred
to our Mr. Fuseli, iai'man whofe ardent imagi-
nation, like that of Milton, unites the terribiles
vifu fornia^ as well as the niQlle atque facetum?
Mr. Fufeli has nearly finiflied a feries of j)iftures
from the principal fcenes of the Paradife Loft
and of the Paradife Regained of that divine Poet,
which he intends to exhibit in a gallery to be
called '* the Gallery of Milton.*' Who appears
fo fit to tranfmit and convey the ideas of Milton,
as the Painter that feems poffeffed with the fame
fublimity and force of imagination which infpired
the
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JOHN MIJLTON* 4^1
the Poet ? Who but Michael Angelo could have
pourtrayed the gigantic ideas of Dante ?
The following lines were addreffed to Mr,
Fufeli on the fubjeft of his " Gallery of Milton/'
They were fent to him foon after he had finifhed
his celebrated pifture of " the Confpiracy of
" Catiline/' and were printed in the European
Magazine for January 1795.
to henry fuseli, esq. r. a. queen-ank
street east.
Artist fublimG! with every talent bleft.
That Buonarota's ardent mind confeft ;
Whofe magic colours, and whofe varying line.
Embody things or human or divine ;
Sec the vaft effort of thy mattering hand.
Sec impious Cat'line's parricidal band.
By the lamp's tremulous fepulchral light.
Profane the facred Clence of the night ;
To Hell's ftern king their curs'd libations pour.
While the chas'd goblet foams with human gore :
See how, in fell and terrible array.
Their (hining poignards they at once difplayj
Direly refolving, at their Chief's beheft.
To (heath them only in their Country's brcaft.
Too well pourtray'd, the fcene affedls our fight
With indignation, horror, and affright.
Then quit thefe orgies, and with ardent view
Fam'd Angelo's advent'rous track purfue^
Like him extend thy* terrible career
Beyond the vifible diurnal fphere :
* La Terrilil Fiat applied by AgolUno Caracci to
Michael Angelo.
Burft
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46i SOHU MlLtOU^^
Biirft EartVs ftrong barrier, feek th^ Aj^s of Hcfl^
Where fad defpair and anguilh ever dwell i
In glowing colours to our eyes difclofe
The Monfter Stn, the caufe of all our woes i
To our appaird and tortut'd fenfes bring
Death's horrid image, Terror's baneful King;
And at the laft, the folemn, dreadful hour.
We all may blefs thy pencil's faving power;
Our danger from thy pious colours fee^
And owe eternity of blifs to thee*
Then to the Heav'n of Heav'ns afcend; pourtray
' The wonders of th' e£Fulgent realms of day ;
Around thy pallet glorious^ tints diffufe,
MixM from th' eternal Arch's tivid hues ;
With erery grace of beauty and of form
Infpire thy mind, and thy rich fancy warm.
Cherub and Seraph, now, in " burning row,**
Before the Throne of Heaven*s high Monarch boW|
And tun'd to golden wires their voices raife^
In everlafting drains of rapt'rous praifc.
Bleft Commentator of our Nation's bard,
Admir'd with every reverence of regard,
Whofe matchlefs Mufe dares (ing in fttains fublimej
<* Things unattempted yet in profe or thyme l*^
The Critic's painful efforts, cold and dead.
By flow degrees inform the cautious head ;
Whilft thy effufions, like Heaven's rapid fire,
Dart thro' the heart, and kindred flames infpttei
And at one flaOi, to our aftoni&M eyes
Obje£ts of horror or delight artfe.
Proceed, my friend, a Nation fafely truft^
To merit fplendidly and quickly juft •
She the due tribute to thy toils fliall pay^
And lavilhly her gratitude difplay.
The
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ARCHBISHOP USHER. 4^3
The Bard himfelf, from his Elyfian bowers.
Contemplating thy pencil's nuigic powers^
Well pleased, ihall fee his fame extend with thine^
And gladly hail thee^ as himfelf^ divine.
S,
ARCHBISHOP USHER
faw the execution of Charles the Firft from the
Countefs of Peterborough's houfe near White-
hall: he fwooned away, and, being carried to
his bed, is faid to have prophefied what happen*
ed in England ever fince.
" Oliver CrcMnwell, out of an humble re-
*^ fped to the memory of fo learned and pious
*' a champion of the Proteftant caufe as this
*^ learned Prelate, iffued an order to the Com-
^' miffioners of the Treafury for two hundred
*^ pounds, to defray the expences of his
*^ ftmeral." — From a MS. Letter in the Bodleian
Library.
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HENRY MARTIN, Es<^.
(Commody called Harry ]^RTiNy)
feid, during the Civil War beifrfen Charles the
Firft and his Parliament, *' If his Majefty were
^^ to take advice of his gunfmiths and of his
** powder-men, he would never have B^s^ce/'
When he drew up the Remonftrance of the
Parliament, in which it is called a Common-
wealth, he faid in one part of rf; *^ reftored to
** its ancient Government of Commonwealth.**
Sir Henry Vane ftood up and reprimanded him,
and wondered at his impudence in affirming fuch
a notorious lie. He made the motion to call
thofe perfons to account, and to turn them out
'vf the Houfe of Commons as enemies to their
Country and betrayers of the Commonwealth of
England, who addreffed Richard Cromwell, and
•promifed to (land by him with their lives and
fortunes.
This decided Republican gave the completeft
teftimohy that ever was given to the excellence
of the charafter of Charles the Firft, when he
faid, in the debate upon King or no King^,
in 1649, ^^^ ^^^ execution of Charles, that
^* if they muft have a King, he had rather
" have the laft than any Gentleman in Eng-
'' land.'*
« This
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HENRY MARTIN, ESQ; 465
» ** This viper/' fays Wood in his Athenae,
<^ wliich had been foftered in the bofom of Par-
*^ liamenj, was againft the Parliament itfelf, and
** againft all Magiftrates, like a fecond Wat
*' Tyler, all Pen and Inkhorn Men muft down.
*' This his levelling dodrine is contained in
** a Pamphlet, called ^ England's Troubles
•* ' Troubled,' wherein all rich men whatfoever
" are declared enemies to the mean men of Eng-
^ land, and in effeft war denounced againft them.
** Befides all this, he being a Colonel, plundered
** fo much wherever he came, that he was com*
** monly called the Plunder Mafter General *.
«* Soon after the Reftoration, after one or two
** removes from prifon to prifon, he was fent to
•* Chepftowe Caftlc in Monmouthfhire, where
*' he continued another twenty years, not in
** wantonnefs, riotoufnefs, and villainy, but in
*^ confinement, and repentance if he had pleafed.
*' Some time before he died he made this Epitaph
•* by way of Acroftic on himfelf :
** Here or elfcwhere (alTs one to you or me),
** Earth, aire, or water gripes my ghoftlefs duft,
•5 None knowing when brave fire (hall fet it free,
** Reader, if you an oft tried rule will truft,
** You'll gladly doe and fufFer what you muft.
* Abb^ Sieyes was afked, when he thougl^t the Revolution
in France would end : he replied, in a verfe of the Magnificat,
** When the Hungry are filled with good things, and the
** Rich are fent empty away."
VOL. I. H H <« My
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466 HENRY MARTIN, ESQj^
*' My life was ivorn with ferving you and ycii,
** And death's my pay it feems, aitdwellcome too,
•* Revenge deftroying but itfelf, while I
** To birds of prey leave my old cage and fly.
^* Examples preach to the eye, care (then mine fays)
" Not how you end, but how you fpend your days.*^
Aged 78.
Athen. Oxon. Vol, ii. page 494 & 495.
" Henry Martin,'' adds Wood, " became a
** Gentleman Commoner of Univerfify College,
*^ Oxon, at the age of 15 years, in 1617, where^
*^ and in public giving a manifeftation of his preg-
" nant parts, he had the degree of Batchelor of
*' Arts conferred upon him in the latter end of
« 1619."
He was a ftriking inftance of the truth of
Roger Afcham's obfervation: " Commonlie,**
fays he, *' men very quick of wit, be very light
*' of conditions. In youth they be readie fcof.
** fers, privie mockers, and ever over-light and
*' merrie. In age they are teftie, very wafpifh,
** and alwaies over niiferable : and yet few of
" them come to any great age, by reafon of their
*' miferable life when young ; but a greate deal
*^ fewer of them come to fhew any great counte-
** nance, or beare any great authority abroade
*' in the world, but either live obfcurely men
*' wot not how, or dye obfcurely men mark UQt
*« when."
I
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[46; 3
! THOMAS HOBBES
I ufed to fay, that evil Government was like a
[ tempeft, which may throw down a tree, here
! and there a fruitful tree; but Civil War, or
Anarchy, like a deluge, would fweep all away
before them.
i .
I " The Papacy,'' faid he, «« is the Ghoft of
** the deceafed Roman Empire, fitting crowned
" upon the grave. It is a fhuttle-cock kept up
'* by the difference between Princes.
*' Ambitious men wade through the blood of
*' other p^rfons to their own power.
" Words are the counters of wife men, they
" do but reckon by them; but they are the
" money of fools, that value them by the au<»
" thority of Cicero, Ariftptle, and Thomas
" Aquinas.'*
^ND OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
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